Saudi Arabia detains at least 8 writers and intellectuals amid most recent crackdown

“Like the dozens of clerics arrested in 2017, the women’s rights advocates arrested in 2018, and the 14 activists arrested in April 2019 – these writers arrested over the past few days are the latest civil society members to be targeted.”

JESSICA AYA HARn

In a new report by London-based Saudi human rights group ALQST, Saudi Arabia has been documented to have arrested and detained at least 8 activists, mostly intellectuals and writers, amidst the kingdom’s growing crackdown on dissent.

Taken from their homes in Riyadh and Jeddah last week by plain clothed policemen, ALQST has reported that the reasons given behind their arrests are still unclear. According to the human rights group, this is a part of a wider campaign by the Saudi government and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman to detain anyone critical of the government. Yahya Assiri, ALQST’s director, stated:

Some people may be asking why these arrests are taking place now, but in truth they reflect a harsh crackdown on Saudi civil society that has been ongoing for years. Like the dozens of clerics arrested in 2017, the women’s rights advocates arrested in 2018, and the 14 activists arrested in April 2019 – these writers arrested over the past few days are the latest civil society members to be targeted.”

The activists and writers arrested are said to be Bader Al-Rashed, Sulaiman Al-Saikhan Al-Nasser, Waad Al-Mohaya, Musab Fouad Al-Abdulkarim, Abdul Majid Al-Balawi, Abdulaziz Alehis, Abdulrahman Monthly, and Fouad Al-Farhan. Their exact whereabouts and conditions remain unknown as of now.

Despite the growing accusations of its severe human rights abuses, the Saudi government continues to deny any wrongdoing. Stating that the state currently does not hold any political prisoners, Saudi claims that the ‘monitoring’ of activists are simply a part of ensuring peace in the kingdom. Public protests, public criticisms, political parties, and labor unions are all still banned in Saudi Arabia.

Last year’s murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi by the Saudi state, orchestrated by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, still remains painfully clear to those who dare voice opposition to the human rights abuses committed by the state: absolutely no criticism is allowed in the kingdom, with deadly results if done. ALQST director Assiri stated:

With these latest arrests, the Saudi authorities are showing once again that nobody is safe. It is clear that the international community must apply much more pressure for these violations to stop.”

As Saudi Arabia continues to move with impunity in regards to its imprisonment of political activists as well as its leadership role in the war in Yemen – now being called the largest humanitarian disaster in the world – it remains to be seen whether Saudi will ever be held to account for these severe human rights violations.

Jessica Aya Harn

Deputy Editor here at The Muslim Vibe

Mending Gulf fences could weaken support for US sanctions against Iran

by Dr James M Dorsey

Saudi efforts to negotiate an end to the Yemen war in a bid to open a dialogue with Iran could call into question continued Gulf support for US President Donald J. Trump’s maximum pressure campaign against the Islamic republic.

Saudi officials hope that talks mediated by Oman and Britain between the kingdom and Houthi rebels will lead to a revival of stalled talks between the Yemeni insurgents and the Saudi-backed, internationally recognized government of Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi.

Saudi crown prince Mohammed bin Salman has tasked his younger brother and Saudi deputy defense minister, Khalid bin Salman, with engineering an end to the Yemeni war as part of a broader revamp of Saudi foreign policy.

The revamp involves a return to a more cautious foreign and defense policy that embraces multilateralism after several years in which the kingdom adopted an assertive and robust go-it alone approach that produced several fiascos, including the Saudi-led intervention in Yemen 4.5 years ago.

The revamp was prompted by attacks in September on two of the kingdom’s key oil facilities as well as doubts about the reliability of the US defense commitment to the Gulf.

The kingdom’s return to a more cautious approach is also intended to allow Saudi Arabia to project itself in 2020 as president of the Group of 20 (G20) and repair its image tarnished by the Yemen War, the killing last year of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, and a domestic crackdown on dissent. The G20 groups the world’s twenty largest economies.

Mr. Trump’s response to the September drone and missile attacks for which the Houthis claimed responsibility was the latest, and in some ways clearest indication, that Gulf states may not be able to count on the United States in times of crisis even though the Trump administration insisted that Iran rather than the rebels was to blame for the incident.

“That was an attack on Saudi Arabia, and that wasn’t an attack on us. But we would certainly help them. If we decide to do something, they’ll be very much involved, and that includes payment. And they understand that fully,” Mr. Trump said at the time, adopting a transactional attitude towards Gulf security.

A US official involved in Gulf policy said more recently that “the attacks made the Saudis and other Gulf states realize that escalation of US-Iranian tensions would make them targets in an environment in which the United States may not wholeheartedly come to their rescue.”

Another US official suggested that the Saudis’ “prime objective now is to lessen their involvement in Yemen, to get the Houthis to stop being some version of a proxy, so they (the Saudis) can deal directly with Iran.”

United Nations Yemen envoy Martin Griffiths told the UN Security Council this week that the number of air attacks by the Saudi-led coalition had dropped by nearly 80 percent in the last two weeks.

“We call this de-escalation, a reduction in the tempo of the war, and perhaps a move towards an overall ceasefire in Yemen,” Mr. Griffiths said. He held out the hope that a negotiated end to the war could be achieved early next year.

Saudi efforts to end the war as well as gestures towards Iran in recent months by the United Arab Emirates did not stop senior Saudi and UAE officials from adopting a hard line at this week’s Manama Dialogue.

“Appeasement simply cannot work with Iran. We hold Iran responsible for the attack on Abqaiq. We do not want war, but Iran needs to be held accountable. The question is whether Iran can abandon its ambition to propagate the revolution and respect sovereignty,” Saudi minister of state for foreign affairs Adel al-Jubeir told the Bahrain gathering. By mentioning Abqaiq, Mr. Al-Jubeir was referring to one of the two Saudi oil facilities targeted in September.

Mr. Al-Jubeir’s UAE counterpart, Anwar Gargash, added: “Germany under Hitler, the Soviet Union, Iran today: revisionist states threaten international order. The key to stability is deterrence, and steadfast resolve by the international community that Iran must change. If not, sanctions must be increased, not loosened.”

The US Treasury, expanding harsh sanctions that aim to force Iran to re-negotiate on American terms the 2015 international agreement that curbed the Islamic republic’s nuclear program, sanctioned this week Iranian communications minister Mohammad Javad Azari-Jahromi for blocking access to the Internet as part of a bid to squash anti-government protests.

The blockage made it difficult for protesters to post videos on social media, generate support for their rejection of recent fuel price hikes, and obtain reliable reports on the extent of the unrest. Amnesty International said more than 100 protesters had so far been killed by security forces.

Mr. Al-Jubeir and Mr. Gargash’s tough remarks notwithstanding, winds in the Gulf appear to be blowing in the direction of reduced tension on all fronts, including the 2.5-year old Saudi-UAE-led boycott of Qatar.

Inevitably, reducing tension will only prove sustainable if US-Iranian friction is dialled back.

Sustainability moreover will depend on some sort of regional understanding on non-aggression that would involve Iran and create the basis for a more multilateral security architecture that would embed rather than replace the regional US defence umbrella.

Bahraini foreign minister Khalid bin Ahmed Al Khalifa appeared to anticipate a more multilateral approach in his remarks at the Manama Dialogue. Rejecting an Iranian call for a security architecture that would exclusively involve regional states, Mr. Al Khalifa asserted that “Iran’s regional security proposals are fundamentally flawed, especially because they do not include external powers.”

A series of Saudi and UAE gestures in recent months, beyond the Saudi-Houthi talks, signal moves towards reducing tensions not only on the Yemeni but also the Iranian and Qatari fronts.

In the latest indication, Khaled Al Jarallah, deputy foreign minister of Kuwait, the official mediator in the dispute with Qatar, said a decision this month by the Saudi, Emirati and Bahraini national soccer teams to compete in the Gulf Cup in Qatar, despite their boycott of the Gulf state, “provides a clear indication that a breakthrough has taken place.”

Similarly, a Saudi official, in a rare gesture, told reporters in Washington earlier this month that Qatar had taken a step towards resolving the crisis by passing an anti-terrorism funding law, a key demand of the boycotting countries.

Besides withdrawing forces from Yemen, the UAE refrained from blaming Iran for the attacks on the Saudi installations and earlier explosions on vessels off the Emirati coast and sent officials to Iran to discuss maritime security.

Saudi and UAE support for the US’ maximum pressure campaign is certain to weaken if Gulf efforts to reduce tensions progress, particularly with regards to Iran. A peace process in Yemen and a Gulf dialogue with Iran would be significant steps in that direction.

Dr. James M. Dorsey is a senior fellow at Nanyang Technological University’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, an adjunct senior research fellow at the National University of Singapore’s Middle East Institute and co-director of the University of Wuerzburg’s Institute of Fan Culture

Saudi Arabia bribing Twitter employees in order to spy on dissidents

One such shocking example of the direct connection between Twitter and Saudi Arabia’s crackdown is the arrest of Sheikh Salman Al-Odah, who simply tweeted a prayer that God bring all Muslims together during the Saudi-Doha rift, expressing his hopes for a reconciliation with Qatar. He was quickly arrested in 2017 for criticising the government, and is still awaiting trial.

JESSICA AYA HARN

It has been revealed that the US government has recently charged two former Twitter employees with spying for the government of Saudi Arabia, after it became known that they had infiltrated the personal data and information of more than 6,000 Twitter accounts of numerous dissidents and critics of the Saudi regime.

These employees were reportedly bribed and recruited by Saudi agents, who paid them tens of thousands of dollars. On behalf of the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, Mohammed bin Salman, these employees were instructed to spy and pass on personal information about numerous critics of the Saudi government.

Twitter is still heavily used within Saudi Arabia, with many turning to Twitter to express discontent and anger at the current regime. Many Saudi youth have therefore turned to Twitter to call on the government to cease its numerous human rights abuses and express other concerns aimed at the Crown Prince, under the pretext of being protected under the anonymity that the internet and Twitter can provide.

Saudi dissidents abroad and in exile have also taken to Twitter to express their political views – however they too are closely monitored by the Saudi regime and its spies within Twitter. Many Saudi students abroad have been told by consulate staff that their passports can no longer be renewed unless they return to Saudi Arabia – which many claim is a trap in order to detain them for their views expressed online.

With Saudi Arabia’s harsh crackdown on the freedom of speech and campaign of imprisoning anyone who dares speak criticism of the government, it had become dangerously worrying for not only ordinary Saudi citizens, but also in terms of Twitter’s accountability. Not only have two employees (so far) been charged with spying for the Saudi regime, but it has also been revealed that Twitter’s CEO Jack Dorsey met with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in June of 2016.

بدر العساكر Bader Al Asaker

✔@Badermasaker

HRH Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman meets with Twitter cofounder & CEO Jack Dorsey in NYC @jack

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This meeting spurred debate over the company’s accountability, as it came only six months after it was revealed that a Saudi spy and infiltrater, Ali Alzabarah, had hacked over 5,500 records on Twitter in supposed connection with the Saudi regime. Saudi Arabia and Twitter, despite these bumpy incidents, seem to be getting along regardless, as the regime continues to crack down on dissents on Twitter.

One such shocking example of the direct connection between Twitter and Saudi Arabia’s crackdown is the arrest of Sheikh Salman Al-Odah, who simply tweeted a prayer that God bring all Muslims together during the Saudi-Doha rift, expressing his hopes for a reconciliation with Qatar. He was quickly arrested in 2017 for criticising the government, and is still awaiting trial.

Al-Odah is but one example of the many citizens, dissents, journalists, and human rights activists who remain locked in jail – simply for expressing their thoughts or calling for the protection of basic human rights. In 2019 alone, more than 130 citizens were executed in Saudi Arabia, most of whom were critics of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s increasingly authoritarian dictatorship.

As Saudi Arabia continues to move with impunity, while it operates without backlash its horrendous war in Yemen as well as its harsh crackdown on dissent within the kingdom, it remains to be seen for how long the world will remain silent. Journalist Jamal Khashoggi’s murder, orchestrated by the Saudi regime, remains fresh in the minds of many. And as for now, Twitter’s dubious connections to the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia remain worrying at best, as ordinary citizens and critics continue to languish in prison for simply tweeting an opinion.

Jessica Aya Harn

Deputy Editor here at The Muslim Vibe

S. Arabia seeks to wreak havoc, ease tensions with Iran concurrently

Tehran, IRNA – A foreign policy analyst says Saudi Arabia was taking vicious steps while trying to ease tensions with Iran, noting that the Saudis know that the dialogue process with Iran can be lengthy. Therefore, in addition to their efforts to negotiate with Iran, they are also taking measures to weaken Iran's position.

In an interview with IRNA about Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates' approach to reducing tensions with Iran and simultaneously making accusations against Tehran, Amir Mousavi said both Saudi Arabia and UAE are serious about reducing tensions with Iran. In recent weeks, we have witnessed mediation and requests from the Iraqi and Pakistani prime ministers to ease tensions with Iran.

He stated that the role of Imran Khan in reducing tensions between Tehran and Riyadh is not just for mediation, stressing that the role of the Pakistani Prime Minister is more than mediation, and in fact, his role is to guarantee and validate possible agreements between Iran and Saudi Arabia. However, Riyadh faces two external and internal problems to reduce tensions with Tehran.

The Saudi external problems to ease tensions with Iran is their dependence on the United States and Israel, which will not allow Riyadh to do so, the expert said. As soon as Imran Khan traveled to Tehran to talk to Iranian officials and ease tensions with Riyadh, the United States announced it would send Saudi Arabia two billion dollars, several thousand troops and a number of fighters, ships and missiles to confront Iran.

Describing Saudi Arabia's internal barriers and challenges to reducing tensions with Iran, Mousavi reiterated that within the House of Saud, we are witnessing clandestine rivalries that do not want Mohammed bin Salman to succeed and would like him to remain in the quagmire he is grappling with it. In fact, there is a shadow government in Riyadh that does not support the improvement of Iranian-Saudi relations by Mohammed bin Salman and wants the Saudi crown prince to remain in the swamp.

Saudi Arabia has failed in Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and Yemen, Mousavi said, pointing out that Muhammad bin Salman has failed in all of his projects. Even Mohammed bin Salman has failed to establish a strategic relationship with Trump, and we have seen repeated insults and humiliations by the US president. Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia is not in good position after the attacks on Aramco and Najran.

The foreign policy analyst went on to say that Mohammed bin Salman and the Saudi government have lost their regional popularity, and the money they paid to hire others is no longer working, and the forces that are hitting Iran and the axis of resistance in other countries backed Saudi Arabia, are now in the weaken positions.

Mousavi said that Saudi Arabia would have to reduce tensions with Iran to get out of the current quagmire and underlined that reducing tensions with Iran would be a great success for Mohammed bin Salman. So the Saudi government is trying to negotiate with Iran because it knows that any confrontation with Iran and the axis of resistance is not in their interest. They can strike, but the result is not desirable for them, and it will yield nothing but defeat.

The Saudis know that the process of negotiating with Iran can be lengthy, he said, noting that Saudi Arabia is taking evil measures against Iran while trying to ease tensions with it. Therefore, in addition to their efforts to negotiate with Iran, they are also taking measures to weaken Iran's position. If by then negotiations with Iran have been finalized, they will stop theses disrupting measures, but if not, they will restore to such measures to have an upper hand in negotiation with Iran.

The recent developments in Lebanon and Iraq are an example of Saudi evils aimed at weakening the axis of resistance and chaos in Iran's friendly countries, the expert added.

Mousavi noted that Iran was aware of this Saudi Arabia's strategy and double-layer game and went on to say that the reason for the Saudi mischief is that they are now in a losing position and have no trump cards. Being present at the negotiating table with Iran is also a sign of surrender and failure, and they do not like it. So by taking such measures, they want to be in a better position in negotiation.

Referring to the UAE's approach to reduce tensions with Iran, Mousavi highlighted that the UAE is ahead of Saudi Arabia in improving relations with Iran, and has taken practical measures in the form of a silent light to improve relations with Iran. They left Yemen and took steps to improve bilateral relations.

Despite these positive actions by the UAE, Abu Dhabi is making shenanigans against Iran, the foreign policy analyst went on to say. They had strong present at the Manama Conference and active in the Iranophobia project. Their footprints are also evident in Lebanon and Iraq.

Mousavi emphasized that Iran should be able to calm Saudi Arabia and the UAE further and attract them, saying that reducing the tension of Riyadh and Abu Dhabi with Tehran is in the interest of the region, the axis of resistance and Iran because they are, however, part of the Islamic world and unfortunately the two countries are overwhelmed by mercenaries and dependence on the United States and, more recently, Israel, and have been so persuaded that their dependence on the West causes them to be devoured by Iran.

He explained the reason why Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates had changed their approach to talks with Iran and noted that they have realized that they cannot count on the US in sensitive situations, and this has led them to think about reducing or at least managing tension with Iran. They fabricated coalitions against Iran and were also praised, but in effect received no results. Saudi Arabia suffered the most damages in the attacks on Aramco, and was only verbally supported.

The expert concluded that they saw that neither the US weapon nor the US was working for them, and they saw that the US was not willing to endanger even the life of one soldier for them, giving only expensive and useless weapons so they were ready for dialogue but this readiness and change of attitude is not because of friendship and benevolence, but because of Iranian authority and distrust of the US and the West.

Pakistan PM Saudi visit: Islamabad offers to host direct Iran-Saudi talks

Islamabad, IRNA --Prime Minister of Pakistan Imran Khan is expected to leave for Saudi Arabia on Tuesday on the second leg of his mediation efforts after Tehran amid press reports about Pakistani Government's offer to host direct Iran-Saudi talks.

Pakistan is playing the role of a facilitator to bring peace to the Persian Gulf.

Imran Khan during his visit to Tehran held separate meetings with the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and President Dr. Hassan Rouhani.

Reports quoting well-placed diplomatic sources said that the prime minister will meet with King Salman bin Abd al-Aziz and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in Riyadh.

Some important high-ups will also accompany the prime minister, including Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi.

The sources pointed out that Prime Minister Imran Khan may also visit some other Arab countries, including the United Arab Emirates for his peace efforts.

Local media reported that the prime minister told Iranian leadership that Pakistan is not only ready to facilitate the dialogue but also willing to arrange face-to-face talks in Islamabad.

Pakistani press say Pakistan’s proposal is aimed at opening some channels of communication between the Saudi and Iranian Governments.

Pakistan, having close strategic ties with Saudi Arabia and being a neighbour to Iran, is increasingly concerned that any conflict between the two countries will have serious impacts on the country as well as for the region

Daily ‘Dawn’ in its Editorial comments on Tuesday said tensions between Saudi Arabia and Iran will have a destabilising impact on Pakistan for a variety of reasons. Perhaps this helps explain Prime Minister Imran Khan’s shuttle diplomacy between Tehran and Riyadh.

“While in Tehran, Mr Khan said that efforts to facilitate dialogue between the Saudis and the Iranians were his own initiative,” it said.

It added considering the combustible situation in the Persian Gulf, there are signs that multiple efforts are underway to bring down the political temperature, mainly through back-channel means, but also through public diplomacy like that of the prime minister.

It said there have been reports of a secret UAE effort to open channels of dialogue with Iran, while Saudi Arabia is also said to have sent messages to Tehran via Iraq.

“Such efforts must be encouraged. A peaceful resolution to the crisis in Persian Gulf is a far more preferable course than confrontation,” said Dawn.

It noted that Pakistan can act as a bridge between Tehran and Riyadh and help facilitate a dialogue.

Another daily ‘The Nation’ said in its editorial that the peace initiative that Imran Khan wants to lead tells one that the current Pakistani leadership has deliberated on the pros and cons of any possible conflicts between Tehran and Riyadh.

It said the fact that it was PM Khan’s second visit to Iran this year will also help strengthen the ties between Pakistan and Iran.

“It is not wrong to say that Khan’s visit to Iran was amicable and productive,” it said.

Daily Times also said in its editorial that Prime Minister Imran Khan’s initiative to stave off tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia serves the interests of either side, and is for the good of Pakistan and Afghanistan as well.

It said Riyadh should be receptive to Pakistan’s initiative.

Hints Of Gulf Rapprochement: Iranian Tactics May Be Paying Off

Hassan Rouhani (Wikimedia Commons)

by James M. Dorsey

Fears of a potential military conflict with Iran may have opened the door to a Saudi-Iranian dialogue against the backdrop of a rethink of US military logistics, involving at least a gradual partial relocation to the United States of command and control operations based in the Gulf for almost four decades.

The relocation does not necessarily signal a reduced US commitment to the defense of the strategic energy-rich region even if it comes amid Gulf suspicions that the United States is gradually withdrawing from the Middle East.

Nonetheless, the move, officially intended to reduce the vulnerability of US military assets to a potential Iranian strike without decreasing the United States’ operational capability, is bolstering a rethink in capitals across Eurasia, including Moscow, Beijing, Tokyo, New Delhi, Abu Dhabi and Riyadh about possible alternative, more collective and multilateral security arrangements in the Gulf.

The arrangements would involve the Gulf states, Russia, China, the US, the European Union and India as well as other stakeholders, a likely reference to Iran. By necessity, it would require a lowering of tension in the region and a degree of accommodation between Saudi Arabia and Iran.

Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi urged Gulf states “to establish a platform for dialogue and consultation” in which countries from outside the region would play a role in maintaining security in the region.”

Mr. Wang was speaking days after Iranian president Hassan Rouhani proposed a security arrangement that would be limited to countries in the region.

In a variation on the theme, Narayanappa Janardhan, a prominent Indian Gulf researcher at the United Arab Emirates’ Emirates Diplomatic Academy, suggested that a new regional security architecture should be Asian-led.

US President Donald J. Trump’s transactional approach towards foreign and defence policies in which countries are expected to shoulder their fair burden and pay for US defense services coupled with the president’s long-standing assertion that China and others dependent on energy supplies from the Gulf are free-riding beneficiaries of the US defence umbrella and his withdrawal early in his presidency from the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a regional trade pact, has sparked doubts across Asia about the wisdom of depending on the United States for energy security.

In a sense, the Gulf states and Asian nations are in a bind. The United States may no longer be reliable but despite the various calls for a new security arrangement few realistically see an alternative.

“Having just spent three days in Moscow, I’m convinced the Russians haven’t the faintest clue how to operate any architecture in the Gulf...let alone a security architecture,” tweeted Gulf scholar Michael Stephens.

Concern that military retaliation for last month’s attacks on two key Saudi oil facilities would spark a regional war have sparked a flurry of diplomatic activity and a search for non-military responses as the United States and Saudi Arabia point the finger of responsibility at Iran.

Iran has warned that military retaliation by the United States and/or the kingdom would spark a war that would spread to the Gulf, including Iranian targeting of installations in the region.

Mr.. Trump’s cautious reaction to the attacks coupled with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s stated preference for a non-military response constitute the latest developments in recent months that have opened the door to the Chinese-backed Russian proposal for a collective security arrangement that would reduce US influence in the region.

Saudi and Iranian leaders, in a gleam of hope that the two countries may be inching towards one another, expressed an interest in resolving issues politically rather than militarily.

“The political and peaceful solution is much better than the military one,” Prince Mohammed told CBS News when asked about a possible military response to the attacks on the kingdom’s oil assets.

Iranian parliament speaker Ali Larijani responded saying: “The doors of Iran are open. A Saudi-Iranian dialogue can solve many of the region’s security and political problems.”

In a further hopeful development, Saudi Arabia was reported to be considering a partial ceasefire in Yemen. Earlier, the Houthis declared a unilateral halt to the fighting. Mr. Larijani said Iran was advising the Houthis to accept whatever ceasefire was on offer.

At the same time, Iraq suggested that it had established a backchannel between Riyadh and Tehran.

“The Saudis have conditions before the negotiations process starts and the same with Iranians. We have liaised these conditions to each side. It is not an easy task to get together two opposite sides in terms of their ideology, sect and their alliances in the region,” said Abbas al-Hasnawi, an official in the office of Iraqi prime minister Adel Abdul Mahdi.

“Saudi Arabia’s conditions are that Iran minimise its role in Yemen and Syria and stop supporting armed groups such as the Houthis. It also asks the Syrian regime to solve its problems with the Syrian opposition groups, and to write a constitution for Syria with all parties agreeing on it,” the official said.

“If there will be a potential deal in the region that includes Yemen, Syria and Iraq, the Americans have no problem with that,” Mr. Hasnawi added.

While there is every reason to be sceptical despite the noise that Saudi Arabia and Iran are anywhere near resolving their differences, talk of dialogue and calls for a Yemen ceasefire suggest that Iran’s strategy of strategic escalation may be producing results.

Iran moved earlier this year away from its initial strategic patience response to the US withdrawal from the 2015 international agreement curbing the Islamic republic’s nuclear program to a strategy of gradual escalation.

Escalation tactics include a step-by-step breaching of the agreement and a more aggressive asymmetric military posture involving the seizing of a British vessel that was released last week, alleged attacks on tankers off the coast of the UAE, and allegedly the attacks on the Saudi oil facilities.

Said Eldar Mamedov, an advisor to the social-democrats in the European parliament’s Foreign Affairs Committee: The “sequence of events shows that, thus far, the Iranian strategy of calculated counter-escalation is working… By escalating on its own, Iran forced a number of key players to change their cost-benefit calculus.”

US media machine’s quest to rehabilitate Mohammed bin Salman

Crescent International

The soon to be aired PBS documentary touching on Jamal Khashoggi’s murder quotes Saudi Arabia’s crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman (MbS) as saying: “It happened under my watch. I get all the responsibility, because it happened under my watch.”

When PBS asked how the killing could happen without his knowledge, MbS is quoted as saying: “We have 20 million people. We have three million government employees.”

When pressed, albeit ever so gently, how the killers could have taken private government jets, BS responded: “I have officials, ministers to follow things, and they’re responsible. They have the authority to do that.”

While the documentary has not been aired yet, its PR nature is evident and is aimed at whitewashing the role of the Saudi regime with BS at the helm.

As Donald Trump’s reelection now looks increasingly unlikely, the US state apparatus must create a credible alibi for why it will continue to deal with the Saudi regime and BS in particular.

Khashoggi’s murder is primarily a PR fiasco for Washington rather than the Saudi regime. Global public opinion does not factor in Saudi policies. For the Saudis’ chief patron, it matters.

Irrespective of who occupies the White House, the US state apparatus needs to rehabilitate the Saudi regime in order to continue utilizing them for their imperialist agenda in the Muslim world.

The PBS documentary attempts to put a positive spin on BS’ murderous activities in a subtle way that the Saudis are incapable of doing themselves, given their lack of understanding of how the media works.

It should be noted that just as PBS announced the release of its documentary, the Saudis announced relaxation of visas for international tourists for the first time.

The announcement was widely publicized in the corporate Western media, clearly signifying the organized nature of the PR campaign to refurbish the Saudi regime’s jaded image.

Those with even the slightest understanding of the nature of the Saudi regime, realize that without orders from the very top, it would be impossible to murder Khashoggi the way it was done.

PBS’s PR strategy is not difficult to fathom. Since BS became the crown prince, the Western PR companies were hired to use the corporate media to present BS as some sort of a new type of Saudi leader willing to bring the kingdom into modernity.

BS’ “admission” of guilt is aimed at positioning him as someone who takes public opinion into account and is willing to accept responsibility for mistakes.

This sort of narrative is riddled with contradictions. In any “normal” state system where public accountability plays at least some role, BS would have had to step down long ago.

For the US deep state, PBS documentary nudging towards the rehabilitation of BS is a double-edged sword.

The Saudi regime is at its most vulnerable stage. Its collapse is simply a matter of time.

While Washington will not dump the regime, it will aim for a controlled demolition, which will be almost impossible to achieve if BS is rehabilitated.

He will not give up power to other power-hungry members of the royal family jockeying to become Washington’s favorite in Riyadh.

BS’ revival means that other members of the Saud clan will have to fight for their seat in the palace, a situation that will add to regime’s troubles.

Currently the regime’s main threat comes from the resilient resistance by the people of Yemen. However, once the regime is destabilized internally, the Yemenis will go for the jugular.

The irony of the collapse of Bani Saud will be the fact that the wealthiest people will be brought down by one of the poorest people in the world.

No surprises here. Islamic eschatology through the Prophetic (pbuh) ahadith has foretold the centrality of Yemen’s role in bringing down the calamity from Najd.