Thursday, September 17, 2026

The US “Burden Sharing Network” Takes Shape

In 2025, the US National Security Strategy paper would be broadly misinterpreted as a US plan to break with its historical pursuit of global primacy and instead retreat to the Western Hemisphere while somehow reconciling or coexisting with traditional targets of US aggression.

Brian Berletic

Many analysts even claimed there was an absence of any direct mention of Russia or China as part of long-standing “great power competition.”

Yet, even throughout the document itself, terms like “hostile and subversive influences” simply stood in for “Russia” and “China,” reaffirming continuity of US foreign policy objectives rather than upsetting or breaking from them.

Included within the 33-page document was a detailed explanation of exactly how the United States would continue pursuing “great power competition” against not only Russia and China but all other nations obstructing US primacy.

This US strategy is less about enduring dominance than it is a desperate gamble against inevitable decline.By liquidating the resources and stability of its own client states to menace the rise of multipolarism, Washington and Wall Street are accelerating the very factors contributing to their continuous decline

Under a section titled, “priorities,” was a policy of “burden-sharing and burden-shifting” which explicitly stated:

“…the United States will organize a burden-sharing network, with our government as convener and supporter. This approach ensures that burdens are shared and that all such efforts benefit from broader legitimacy. The model will be targeted partnerships that use economic tools to align incentives, share burdens with like-minded allies, and insist on reforms that anchor long-term stability. This strategic clarity will allow the United States to counter hostile and subversive influences efficiently while avoiding the overextension and diffuse focus that undermined past efforts.”

It should be noted that the introduction of a US “burden sharing network” describing the coercion of other nations into serving as extensions of US power and influence followed a section titled “primacy of nations” claiming, “it is natural and just that all nations put their interests first and guard their sovereignty,” thus a complete contradiction.

But that is only if one assumes the US discussed the “primacy of nations” as a general principle applied to all nations and not just a means of absolving the US — and the US alone — of its obligations under international law.

The threat of “economic tools” to “align incentive” and to “insist on reforms” for what the US paper claims is “long-term stability” are clearly euphemisms for the coercion of nations to serve US foreign policy objectives and, specifically, to uphold US primacy even at the expense of these nations’ own objective best interests.

The Burden Sharing Network in Practice

One of the most blatant implementations of this “burden sharing network” was actually publicly announced months before the National Security Strategy paper was published. In February 2025, US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth would publicly demand Europe “double down and re-commit” to what he referred to as “Ukraine’s immediate security needs” and “Europe’s long-term defense and deterrence goals.”

At a time when many in the public and analytical circles still believed the US under the new Trump administration was trying to either end or distance itself from the ongoing war in Ukraine — Secretary Hegseth made it clear that any shift in US policy toward Ukraine was merely what he would call a “division of labor” between US interests in Europe and the Pacific and realistic limitations preventing the US from pursuing both without extracting more resources from its client states.

Amid this same directive, Secretary Hegseth would insist on Europe expanding military spending from 2% of each respective nation’s GDP to 5% — an insistence European nations obediently accommodated (e.g., the UK, Germany, and France).

Secretary Hegseth would also explicitly demand:

“This means: Donating more ammunition and equipment. Leveraging comparative advantages. Expanding your defense industrial base. And importantly, leveling with your citizens about the threat facing Europe.

Part of this is speaking frankly with your people about how this threat can only be met by spending more on defense.”

With increased military spending highly unpopular across the European continent — creating and selling a “threat facing Europe” is imperative in the creation and utilization of Washington’s “burden sharing network” — a threat that is portrayed not only through continuously fabricated claims regarding the Russian Federation and its allies and partners (China, Iran, and North Korea) but also the added threat of the US “abandoning” Europe to Russia and its alleged “aggression.”

Secretary Hegseth publicly admitted that the US-European relationship is one of a “division of labor,” later expanded upon in the 2025 National Security Strategy as a “burden sharing network,” allowing the US to “counter hostile and subversive influences efficiently while avoiding the overextension and diffuse focus that undermined past efforts.”

The war in Ukraine began as and continues to be exclusively a US proxy war waged against Russia — a proxy war triggered first by the US politically capturing Ukraine in 2014, then taking control of and leveraging Ukraine’s military and intelligence agencies right along Russia’s borders, and since 2022, directing the war against Russia from a US base in Germany at the very top of “Ukraine’s” chain of command, including directing drone strikes against both energy infrastructure inside Russian territory, as well as strikes on ships exporting Russian energy out at sea.

Were one to believe the Western media narrative of a US-European “split” — one would have to believe the US was simply “abandoning” Europe and even Washington’s own proxy war in Ukraine against Russia. It would require ignoring the fact that the US is still running the war in Ukraine from its military base in Germany, supplying both Ukraine with weapons directly, but also Europe with weapons meant explicitly to then be handed over to Ukraine.

It would also require ignoring Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth admitting the US isn’t abandoning its own proxy war but is simply putting its “burden sharing network” into motion and exercising the US-European “division of labor” laid out in February 2025.

Burden Sharing Network: The Saudi Bureau

Similar charades have been performed, including between the US and Canada, after which Canada signed a 100 year deal with Ukraine, rhetorically cementing its commitment to what is a US proxy war.

And more recently, Saudi Arabia allegedly called US President Donald Trump, requesting military support in response to recent advances along the southwest coasts by Ansarallah in neighboring Yemen. Amid the Western media’s daily political circus, the US reportedly denied Riyadh’s request.

In reality, Saudi involvement in Yemen is a US war in all but name — and part of the wider US war on Iran itself.

For decades, the US has built up Saudi Arabia’s military capabilities.

“Saudi” attacks on targets in Yemen — for years — have been carried out by US-built warplanes, maintained by US contractors, carrying US munitions, guided to their targets using US intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance gathered not only by US assets over the battlefield, but also by US special forces operating in Yemen, on the battlefield.

Even as US President Donald Trump publicly turned down Riyadh’s request for military assistance, the US is reportedly expanding ISR support for ongoing Saudi operations in Yemen.

Amid local Saudi Arabic media, the advances of Ansarallah is being portrayed as an existential threat to both Saudi Arabia’s national security and the economic stability of the entire region in an attempt to compel the public to accept the necessary military spending (in both treasure and blood) required to continue or expand what was and still is a US proxy war on both Yemen and Yemen’s Iranian allies.

Just like with the US-European “split” or the recent “division” between the US and Canada, the supposed “abandonment” by the US of Saudi Arabia amid what is essentially a US proxy war on Yemen is simply meant to help Riyadh “level with their citizens” about the “threats” facing them to help justify “spending more on defense” and other unpopular sacrifices required by Saudi society as part of Washington’s “burden sharing network.”

As the US deliberately disrupts energy exports from all of West Asia (including among US client states like Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, and others), while demanding the sale of larger amounts of US arms to these nations, the slashing of social programs across the region to do so will require sufficient political narratives and control to avoid internal instability.

The Cannibalizing of Client States

The US has for decades used its global network of client states as an extension of its own political, economic, and military power. As Russia reemerges, China rises, and the multipolar world continues to displace the US’ ill-gotten and abused global power, the US will admittedly need to squeeze these client states further.

The 2025 US National Security Strategy openly calls for a “burden sharing network” to extract more resources from US client states than ever before — but as illustrated by US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth in the directive he delivered to Europe in early 2025 — to do so will require convincing the populations of US client states of sufficient “threats” facing them.

If a fictional “Russian invasion” of Europe or “Ansarallah missile attacks” on Saudi Arabia aren’t enough to panic the populations of US client states into surrendering their social programs and collective future to the preservation of waning US global hegemony — than maybe the threat of the US abandoning its proxies amid proxy wars the US dragged them into in the first place will be enough.

Despite the political theater of emerging splits between the US and its client states unfolding, US client states are spending more now than at any other time following the end of the Cold War on military capabilities — either buying additional weapons from the US itself or diverting public spending from social programs into military industrial production to support ongoing US wars and proxy wars around the globe.

The irony is that while the governments among US client states point at Russia, China, Iran, and other nations as threats” to peace, stability, and prosperity — it is their subordination to the US and their obedient participation in US wars and proxy wars actively destroying their respective economies and ruining the lives of their respective populations.

And while the US has accelerated the squeezing of its client states through this “burden sharing network,” nothing about the manner in which it is done is sustainable. The US strategy appears to be the using of its own remaining power — and wring dry its proxies — to disrupt the rise of the multipolar world faster than the multipolar world can establish itself and displace Washington and Wall Street’s unwarranted influence around the globe.

This US strategy is less about enduring dominance than it is a desperate gamble against inevitable decline. By liquidating the resources and stability of its own client states to menace the rise of multipolarism, Washington and Wall Street are accelerating the very factors contributing to their continuous decline.

Rather than falling for the political theater the US uses to sustain this strategy, people living among the US and its client states must try to reach out and connect with the multipolar world before the US — through its “burden sharing network”— takes these client states down with it.

Brian Berletic is a Bangkok-based geopolitical researcher and writer

From Prediction to Resilience: Rethinking National Security in the 21st Century

In an increasingly unpredictable and multidimensional strategic environment, states can no longer rely solely on anticipating future crises; they must complement strategic foresight with national resilience capable of absorbing and withstanding crises they fail to predict.

Abbas Hashemite

The Erosion of Strategic Predictability

Technological advancement, especially in warfare and security, has made certainty an illusion. For much of the past, strategic competition followed patterns that states could recognize and anticipate. State interests and ambitions were known, and alliances also provided a predictable strategic environment. Intelligence and deterrence also played their part in warning of upcoming threats and imposing caution. Although none of this saved the world from devastating wars and mass-casualty conflicts, it created the reassuring belief that, with adequate preparation, upcoming crises could be anticipated. However, this reality is changing rapidly and is difficult to maintain.

The concept of security is no longer limited to a state’s ability to defeat or deter its enemies; rather, it is also the capacity of a state to preserve institutional functionality, technological strength, economic resilience, absorb shocks, maintain an integrated information system, continue rational decision-making, and maintain public legitimacy and confidence under intense pressure

The global strategic climate has changed significantly. States no longer compete merely on the battlefield. The strategic competition now extends across institutional, economic, cyber, informational, military, cognitive, and technological domains. States can now weaken, subdue, coerce, or constrain their rivals without a conventional territorial invasion. Technological modernization has enabled states to achieve strategic advantage without decisive military success, making future threats and crises harder to anticipate.

In the contemporary era, great-power competition is no longer confined to a single strategic axis. Today, wars and conflicts extend beyond their starting region and hold global economic and political consequences. The Iran war, for instance, initially involved only three countries. However, soon after the war began, its repercussions were felt internationally, disrupting food supplies, energy markets, and trade routes. Modern technologies like artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, information warfare, and drones have created new strategic opportunities for states that were not conceivable a few decades ago. Technological advances have also accelerated the decision-making process during conflicts.

The New Battlefield: Information, Technology, and Converging Crises

However, the most significant battlefield in the contemporary era is in the information domain. States use narrative-building to shape global perceptions, influence political decisions, and mold social interpretation of events. The Western media’s biased reporting of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the Israel-Palestine war, and the US-Israel-Iran war demonstrates the significance and relevance of information warfare in the post-modern world. Modern competition for dominance is not only about resources or territory, but it is also about who shapes the global public narrative.

Another significant impact of technological advancement is the complex intersection of interconnected crises in ways that were unimaginable a few decades ago. An armed conflict could instigate economic turbulence; an economic crisis can lead to political instability, which can then be exacerbated by information campaigns. Each crisis can compound the effects of others, creating a collective threat to a state’s sovereignty and survival.

This presents a complex challenge for policymakers and strategists globally. Traditional alliances are becoming more flexible and less predictable. In international politics, a clear distinction between rivals, competitors, and partners is not always possible. Determining who is influencing, using, or contesting whom can become increasingly difficult. The South Asian region is particularly susceptible to these strategic pressures. Although the risk of full-scale war may be limited by nuclear deterrence, competition between states persists below the threshold of war, driven by internal vulnerabilities, unresolved disputes, and deep-rooted rivalries.

From Prediction to Strategic Resilience

Therefore, states, in the modern world, must not approach this changing strategic environment through a conventional lens of military readiness. State security, especially for developing nations, will depend largely on the resilience of their institutions, national cohesion, technological capabilities, economy, and information environment. The incumbent hybrid warfare era gives stronger actors the ability to influence the strategic choices of vulnerable states without any military conquest.

However, this does not diminish the significance of predicting and anticipating upcoming crises. Strategic foresight, intelligence, and early warning continue to play a crucial role. Nonetheless, anticipation and probabilities do not mean certainties. Historically, most of the major crises emerged from the convergence of numerous issues that initially seemed manageable rather than a single dramatic event.

Therefore, changing strategic dynamics demand that anticipation be complemented with resilience. It requires us to reconsider what national security really means in the 21st century. The concept of security is no longer limited to a state’s ability to defeat or deter its enemies; rather, it is also the capacity of a state to preserve institutional functionality, technological strength, economic resilience, absorb shocks, maintain an integrated information system, continue rational decision-making, and maintain public legitimacy and confidence under intense pressure.

The changing strategic environment has consequently broadened the dimensions of national power. Economic strength is increasingly being leveraged to advance strategic interests. States run information operations to shape global public behaviors and perceptions. Through these operations, states mold international perceptions of international events and issues. Technological strength complements economic, informational, cognitive, institutional, and military power in the contemporary world. Therefore, national security in this changing strategic environment increasingly depends on a state’s capacity to absorb and withstand future crises, including those it fails to anticipate. In the contemporary world, strategic resilience has become an imperative for states.

Аbbas Hashemite is a political observer and research analyst for regional and global geopolitical issues. He is currently working as an independent researcher and journalist

Trump’s rejection of AI regulation is similar to his catastrophic climate change remarks

By M.A. Saki

TEHRAN – In the same way that Donald Trump had dismissed global warming as a “hoax” invented by the Chinese, he has said fears about the safety of artificial intelligence (AI) are a "hoax". He also has criticized calls to have more guardrails in place for the fast-moving technology.

His comment comes after Jack Clark, co-founder of AI giant Anthropic, told the BBC that a "kill switch" that can be checked by a third party may need to be mandatory for the industry.

Publishing an essay on September 12, Anthropic chief executive Dario Amodei also called on the few labs at the frontier of AI, the ones building the most advanced models, to slow down together.

Sam Altman, the Open AI chief executive officer, and Elon Musk have both backed Amodei’s call. Altman wrote, “I agree with Dario that we need to pace the frontier,” and Musk replied to Amodei’s post with “Dario is right.”

In a series of social media posts, Trump compared warnings about AI to what he called "Global Warming Scam" which he claimed was "being perpetrated by the Radical Left Dumocrats".

His hubristic nature is always fresh, saying the only "guardrails" needed for AI was a "strong and smart" president.

As usual, Trump’s mind is fraught with angst of China, writing, "There is a SICK conspiracy going on against AI and Data Centers, and the only one that is happy about it is China. WHOEVER WINS AI, WINS!"

Now that calls have risen by a considerable number of AI executives and political figures on the need to regulate AI, Trump is feeling badly uncomfortable.  

There remains no doubt about the dangers of an unregulated AI. For example, Bill Gates, writing an article in Gates Note on August 26, suggested that “we need a plan to ensure that the good outweighs the bad.” Also, former President Barack Obama on Sept. 15 urged government regulation amid "serious safety concerns" about the technology.

Trump suffers from the illusion that he knows fully well about many things. His excessive egoism prompts him to imagine that he knows better than climatologists and better than AI researchers and developers.
Since he has been elected president twice through populist slogans, he thinks that he is a superhuman. In the recent history many have won the votes or backing of the masses through demagogic speeches, but their record have proven disastrous.  

Even now, he is too stupid to realize that his views about rejection of climate change have proven catastrophically wrong. 

It is necessary to note the statement by the outgoing UN Secretary General António Guterres who told the Climate Ambition Summit in Sept. 2023 that “humanity has opened the gates to hell” and in July 2023 declared that “the era of global warming has ended” and “the era of global boiling has arrived.”

Just as Trump’s views on global warming are fundamentally wrong, leading him to roll back numerous U.S. measures designed to protect the planet, his approach to AI must be restrained through effective oversight by AI companies and Congress.

Vijay Prashad: The Roots of Capitalism

Steam power, modern banking, and industrial capitalism were not born of peaceful innovation but paid for with the blood of enslaved people.

Naudline Pierre, Haiti, This, I Know to Be True, 2023. (Via Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research)

By Vijay Prashad
Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research

There is a certain comfort in the stories that empires tell about themselves. In these stories, capitalism appears as the natural flowering of European ingenuity — the product of reason, scientific discovery, technological innovation and the thrift of industrious individuals. Colonialism and slavery, when they appear at all, are treated as regrettable episodes alongside an otherwise triumphant march towards modernity.

Our latest study, “The Roots of Capitalism: Slavery and the Sugar Trade” (August 2026), by Prabir Purkayastha, asks us to abandon this comforting mythology. The study inaugurates our new series, Studies on Historical Materialism, which will examine the making of the modern world while placing the dialectic between imperialism and national liberation struggles at the heart of this process.

Much of the study was written during the 225 days that Prabir spent incarcerated in Rohini Central Jail in Delhi, India, from October 2023 to May 2024. He had been illegally arrested by the Indian government as part of a broader crackdown on press freedom and progressive voices.

While in prison, scraps of paper passed back and forth during visits became the beginnings of this history of sugar, slavery and capitalism. There is something fitting in this: a study of systems of confinement and exploitation written under conditions of confinement by an intellect that refused to be confined.

(Via Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research)

At the heart of the study is sugar, one of the great psychoactive commodities of the colonial era that — alongside alcohol, chocolate, coffee, opium, tea and tobacco — fuelled the Industrial Revolution.

Before sugar became an ordinary item on the tables of European workers, it was a luxury consumed by kings and aristocrats. Its transformation into an article of mass consumption required more than a change in taste. It required the seizure of land, the destruction of Indigenous societies and the violent commodification of human beings: Africans captured, transported across the Atlantic, and sold to plantation owners as enslaved labourers.

Sugar was among the first truly global commodities, and its transformation into such a commodity required the construction of an immense commercial and financial apparatus linking Africa, the Americas, Asia and Europe.

The scale of the colonial violence was staggering. At least 10 million enslaved Africans landed in the Americas and the Caribbean. Once those who died during capture, forced marches, detention and the Middle Passage (the forced Atlantic crossing from Africa to the Americas) are included, the total number of Africans seized for the transatlantic trade was plausibly between 14 million and 20 million.

While the populations of Asia and Europe grew enormously between the 17th and 19th centuries, Africa’s population stagnated and, in many regions, declined.

This catastrophe was not an accidental consequence of commerce. It was produced through what the study calls the “gun-slave-money nexus”: European firearms and gunpowder were exchanged for captive Africans, whose sale generated the profits that reproduced the system.

Osmond Watson, Jamaica, City Life, 1968. (Via Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research)

The plantation built to organise and exhaust this labour was not a remnant of an older, pre-capitalist world. It was one of the laboratories of capitalist modernity.

On the sugar plantation, cultivation and industrial processing were integrated in a single labour regime on site. The cane had to be cut, transported, crushed, boiled and crystallised according to a rigid timetable. Enslaved people were organised into gangs, divided by age and physical capacity and driven through workdays that could last eighteen to twenty hours during the harvest.

Plantation managers kept meticulous accounts, calculated productivity, measured subsistence against replacement costs and treated human beings as fixed capital — as machines to be exhausted and replaced.

The plantation was, as U.S. anthropologist Sidney Mintz wrote, a “synthesis of field and factory.” Its time-and-motion calculations prefigured the management systems later associated with the modern industrial workplace.

The sugar refineries of London, Bristol, Glasgow and Liverpool were among Britain’s earliest factory-like workplaces. Around them grew shipping, shipbuilding, warehousing, insurance, credit and banking. By 1774, raw sugar accounted for one-fifth of all British imports. Between 1700 and 1800, Britain’s sugar imports increased sevenfold.

The wealth accumulated through sugar did not remain on distant Caribbean plantations. It financed British commercial and industrial expansion. One estimate suggests that by 1770 close to 40 percent of the capital used for this expansion derived from profits from the trade in enslaved people.

Investments in the colonies could be four-to-seven times more profitable than investments in England. In other words, the colonies provided the down payment that made the Industrial Revolution possible in the imperial centres.

Lasar Segall, Brazil, Banana Grove, 1927. (Via Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research)

Britain’s colonial policy of imperial preferences ensured that the colonies supplied raw materials while manufacturing remained in the imperial centre. Raw sugar crossed the Atlantic to be refined in Britain, where the largest mark-ups were retained. Tariffs protected British refiners while discouraging refining in the Caribbean and shielding British refiners and Caribbean plantations from competition from Indian sugar.

Colonialism did not merely extract wealth from the colonies; it reorganised entire economies so that the productive capacities of the colonies would remain subordinated to those of the colonising power long after colonial rule formally ended. This is what Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, called neo-colonialism.

Prabir, sitting in Rohini Central Jail, drew the circuit of capital not as a simple Atlantic triangle but as a planetary system of plunder linking India, Africa, the Americas and Europe.

European traders shipped Indian textiles to West Africa and exchanged them for enslaved people. Saltpetre from Bengal, essential for manufacturing gunpowder, helped arm that ghastly trade.

After Britain’s conquest of Bengal in 1757, land revenue extracted from Indian peasants paid for these exports. The Atlantic triangle was therefore part of a much larger geometry of plunder that stretched across the planet. James Watt’s steam engine is stained with the blood of enslaved African plantation labourers and starving Indian peasants.

Deebora Arango, Colombia, Plebiscito/Plebiscite, 1958. (Via Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research)

We will never know whether some imaginary capitalism might have existed in a world without colonialism. History does not take place in imaginary worlds. Actually existing capitalism is inseparable from colonial expropriation.

Capitalism did not first take shape in the English countryside alone and then spread peacefully across the globe. Its history must be located simultaneously in the English countryside, the Caribbean plantation, the Potosi silver mine, the African holding yard, the Indian revenue office, the hold of the ship that transported enslaved people, and the European refinery.

This history also prevents us from treating what Karl Marx called “originary accumulation” (ursprüngliche Akkumulation) as a completed episode. Its methods remain with us: the seizure of land, the subordination of economies to monocrop production, debt regimes, unequal exchange, the undervaluation of Southern labour, and the transfer of wealth into financial systems controlled by the North. The forms have changed, but expropriation continues.

Che Lovelace, Trinidad, Street Dance, 2016–2022. (Via Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research)

If these histories of exploitation are taken seriously, then the demand for colonial reparations cannot be dismissed as merely a moral appeal or a backward-looking demand.

Reparations must be understood as a material and political necessity: not only a reckoning with past crimes but a confrontation with the ongoing structures of accumulation that were built through colonial expropriation and continue to reproduce global inequality in the present.

This is the argument of Kwesi Pratt Jr.’s recent book, Reparations: History, Struggle, Politics, and Law, which is forthcoming in a new South African edition from Inkani Books. The edition features a foreword by Ghana’s President John Dramani Mahama and an afterword by Professor Verene Shepherd.

Reparations — whether through debt cancellation, the restitution of stolen resources, the transfer of technology, or the rebuilding of public capacities destroyed by colonialism and structural adjustment — are an essential antidote to the long history of plunder that established modern capitalism.

Canute Caliste, Grenada, Big Drum Dance in Carriacou, 1988. (Via Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research)

This was never only a history of exploitation. The plantation system was always contested at every stage. Enslaved people fled, sabotaged production, preserved prohibited cultural practices, formed maroon communities, organised rebellions and ultimately broke the apparent permanence of slavery.

The Haitian Revolution, which culminated in independence in 1804, remains the greatest declaration of this truth: even the most sophisticated machinery of oppression can be defeated by the oppressed.

In 1935, the Haitian Marxist poet Jacques Roumain (1907–1944), angered by the constant attempt to suffocate his country, wrote “Guinea.” That poem, translated into English by Roumain’s friend Langston Hughes, is a powerful evocation of Haiti’s African origins and its ongoing struggle for dignity:

“It’s the long road to Guinea
death takes you down.
Here are the boughs, the trees, the forest.
Listen to the sound of the wind in its long hair
of eternal night.

It’s the long road to Guinea
where your fathers await you without impatience.
Along the way, they talk.
They wait.
This is the hour when the streams rattle
like beads of bone.

It’s the long road to Guinea.
No bright welcome will be made for you
in the dark land of dark men:

Under a smoky sky pierced by the cry of birds
around the eye of the river
the eyelashes of the trees open on decaying light.
There, there awaits you beside the water a quiet village,
and the hut of your fathers, and the hard ancestral stone
where your head will rest at last.”

Vijay Prashad is an Indian historian, editor and journalist. He is a writing fellow and chief correspondent at Globetrotter. He is an editor of LeftWord Books and the director of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research. He is a senior non-resident fellow atChongyang Institute for Financial Studies, Renmin University of China. He has written more than 20 books, including The Darker Nations and The Poorer Nations.  His latest books are Struggle Makes Us Human: Learning from Movements for Socialism and, with Noam Chomsky, The Withdrawal: Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan and the Fragility of U.S. Power.

200 nights, one flag

 By Fardin Molaei

People across Iran took to the streets for the 200th night, protesting U.S.-Israeli aggression

TEHRAN — Night falls differently across Iran.

On Kharg Island, the darkness settles over the humid waters of the Persian Gulf. In Shiraz, the lights of the squares come on beneath the evening sky. In Sanandaj, people make their way toward Azadi Square. In Birjand, families gather in the cold. In Tonekabon, on the Caspian coast, an elderly war veteran walks slowly toward the crowd.

And in Arak, beneath the lights of Martyrs Square, a woman sits behind a sewing machine.

Her name is Zahra Fattahi.

For almost 200 nights, she has brought the machine with her, repairing damaged Iranian flags and preparing them to be raised again.

That image — a woman, a sewing machine, a piece of torn fabric and a square filled with people — may say more about these nights than any official statement.

Two hundred nights have now passed since nightly gatherings began in cities across Iran following the outbreak of war. What started in the immediate aftermath of the conflict has, according to reports by Mehr News Agency correspondents, continued through heat, humidity, rain and winter cold.

The gatherings have been different from city to city. Some have centered on mourning. Others have included cultural programs, Quran recitations, music, children's activities, food and tea booths, speeches and family gatherings.

But beneath the differences is one recurring image: people returning to the same public spaces night after night.

For many participants, these nights have also carried a second, more intimate meaning — the absence of Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, the former Supreme Leader who was killed during the war.

His absence is visible in photographs, banners, conversations and moments of silence. For some of those interviewed by Mehr, the nightly gathering has become a place where grief and public presence exist side by side.

On March 12, 2026, in his first wartime message, Ayatollah Seyyed Mojtaba Khamenei called on people to help one another during difficult days. On April 9, he said that the announcement of negotiations should not lead people to conclude that public presence in squares, neighborhoods and mosques was no longer necessary.

The 200 nights that followed have now become a vast collection of local stories.

The following is a journey through some of them.

Arak: Three generations beneath one flag

In Arak, capital of Markazi Province in central Iran, the camera finds a mother holding her child.

There is nothing spectacular about the image at first glance. No speech. No stage. No dramatic gesture.

Just a mother, a child and a crowd gathered at night.

Yet that is precisely what gives the photograph its emotional weight.

For 200 nights, the square has seen families arrive together. Parents have brought children into a public space where different generations stand side by side.

200 nights, one flag

 Arak: A mother holds her young child during a nightly gathering at Martyrs Square in Arak, where families have been among the recurring participants over the past 200 nights.

Another photograph tells a different version of the same story.

Women from different generations stand together beneath a banner. Older women and younger women occupy the same frame, their faces separated by decades but brought together by the same night.

200 nights, one flag

 Arak: Women from different generations stand together at Martyrs Square in Arak, creating a single frame that spans generations of Iranian women.

Then comes the sewing machine.

Every night, Zahra Fattahi brings hers to the square. She repairs flags damaged during the gatherings and prepares them to be raised again.

She told Mehr that she had attended almost all 200 nights.

Her contribution is small in physical scale: thread passing through cloth, a needle moving back and forth, a torn edge being joined.

But repeated night after night, it has become a symbol in the visual record of Arak.

200 nights, one flag

Arak: Zahra Fattahi brings her sewing machine to Martyrs Square almost every night, repairing damaged Iranian flags and preparing them to be raised again.

There is something quietly mournful about the image, too.

A flag can be repaired.

A torn piece of cloth can be stitched.

But a person who has been lost cannot be brought back.

For some participants, that is the deeper emotional landscape of these nights: continuing to gather while remembering a leader whose absence has changed the meaning of the gathering itself.

Shiraz: A city that remembers

In Shiraz, the capital of Fars Province in southern Iran, the night begins with lights.

Imam Hussein Square, Moallem Square and Vali Asr Square gradually fill with people. Families arrive. Young people stand beside older residents. Flags rise above the crowd.

Mehr's account describes a city whose nightly gathering has been repeated for 200 nights.

The scene has its own rhythm.

People arrive.

The lights brighten.

Programs begin.

Voices fill the square.

And eventually, late at night, people go home.

Then the next night comes.

And they return.

The emotional force of such repetition is not necessarily in the size of the crowd but in the passage of time. A single night can be an event. Two hundred nights become a memory.

Kharg: Heat, humidity and the lights of the Gulf

On Kharg Island, the story takes place against one of Iran's most important oil landscapes.

The island lies in the Persian Gulf, in Bushehr Province, and is closely associated with Iran's oil export infrastructure.

It is also hot and intensely humid.

Yet the local account describes residents continuing to gather during the 200-night period.

At night, the oppressive heat does not disappear completely. The humidity remains in the air. The sea remains beyond the lights of the gathering.

And still, people come.

There is something elemental about that scene: an island surrounded by water, a city accustomed to heat, and people gathering after dark.

200 nights, one flag

Kharg: Residents gather at night on Kharg Island in Bushehr Province, where the 200-night gatherings have continued despite the island's intense heat and humidity.

Birjand: A teenager among the generations

In Birjand, capital of South Khorasan Province in eastern Iran, the gatherings have been held in Maalem, Abuzar and Modarres squares.

Children stand beside adults. Older people watch the programs. Flags and cultural booths become part of the nightly landscape.

Fourteen-year-old Maedeh Fayazi is among those reported to have attended most nights.

Mahdi Rahimabadi, 42, was present on the 200th night.

Their ages are separated by almost three decades.

But the photograph of them in the same story captures something repeated throughout the country: the coexistence of generations in the same public space.

We will trample America underfoot

From the first night of the ‘Ramadan War’ to the 200th night of nightly gatherings across Alborz Province, residents of Karaj have continued to gather through heat and cold, rain and, in the early days of the war, amid bombings and missile attacks.

In Gohardasht, residents make their way to the nightly gathering along familiar routes. In Azimiyeh, people follow another established path, while Karaj, the provincial capital, has hosted the largest gatherings night after night.

200 nights, one flag

 Mahmoud Moradpour, a Karaj resident holding a handwritten sign that reads, “We will trample America underfoot,” says the people will stand by the Islamic Republic, their Islamic identity and their Iranian identity to their final breath.

Mr. Akbari, another participant, who says he has attended the neighborhood and street gatherings for exactly 200 nights, describes the period as “200 nights of estrangement and separation from our beloved Imam.”

200 nights, one flag

Mehdi, a 20-year-old participant, says that throughout the 200 days during which Iranians have taken to the streets, a sense of national honor has risen above differences in beliefs and backgrounds.

For those gathered across Karaj, the passage of 200 nights has become a record of continued presence — shaped by the changing seasons, difficult circumstances and a shared determination to remain together.

Sanandaj: When a square becomes a memory

In Sanandaj, capital of Kurdistan Province in western Iran, Azadi Square has become one of the most recognizable settings of the 200-night story. It is the square that was once simply a square becomes a place people remember because they have returned to it so many times.

The gatherings have included children, teenagers, young people and families.

But the square has also become a cultural space.

Student anthems, Quran recitations, daf music, public booths and other activities have accompanied the gatherings. On some occasions, wedding ceremonies have also been held there.

Thirty-five-year-old Mortaza Sharaf-Bayani told Mehr that he had attended all 200 nights and had helped with programs and Quran recitation.

200 nights, one flag

Mohammad Hassan, an 11-year-old boy from Kurdistan who had attended the gathering with his family, told Mehr correspondent: “I have come to this gathering to seek justice for the martyred leader and to express my support for this demand.”

Zahra Jafari a university student in Sanandaj, another participant in the nightly gathering said that students cannot remain indifferent to events unfolding in their country. The younger generation must understand political issues and be able, under different circumstances, to distinguish between various issues and political currents.

200 nights, one flag

Sanandaj: Zahra Jafari a university student :The younger generation must understand political issues and be able, under different circumstances, to distinguish between various issues and political currents

"Steadfastness is not a habit, but a belief"

In Shirvan, North Khorasan Province in northeastern Iran, the story has unfolded around Imam Khomeini Mosque and Revolution Square. As the seasons changed and summer heat gave way to winter cold and rain, the nightly gatherings continued.

For Fatemeh, a teacher and mother of three, taking part has become far more than simply attending a nightly gathering. She recalls that the gatherings initially began in an atmosphere of mourning and remembrance, but gradually took on a different character.

“Every night, I saw more women joining us and the voice of solidarity growing stronger,” she says. “What began as small groups of just a few people has now become a regular nightly gathering. I feel that we have become one large family, coming together every night to raise our voices in solidarity and steadfastness.”

One of her most vivid memories is of a cold, rainy night when she expected the heavy downpour to keep many people away.

“I thought to myself, ‘Perhaps no one will come tonight,’” she recalls. “But when I arrived at the mosque, I saw that our gathering was just as full and as warm as ever.”

For Fatemeh, that night gave a deeper meaning to being present. As she later told Mehr, “Steadfastness is not a habit, but a belief.”

Around Revolution Square, tea and food booths have remained open, while exhibitions, children’s drawing stations, books, photographs, and cultural programs have filled the surrounding space.

On cold nights, warm tea has become part of the visual memory: steam rising from cups, people gathering around the booths, children staying close to their parents, and the lights remaining on as the square prepares to welcome another night.

Qom: Grief and continuity

In Qom, one of Iran's major religious cities in central Iran, gatherings have taken place in several locations, including Mofid Square, Tawhid Square, Army Square and Imam Khomeini Square, as well as routes toward the shrine of Hazrat Masoumeh.

Samira Zangi, 33, told Mehr that she had attended from the first night.

She spoke of attending with her family despite heat, cold and having a young child.

Her account reflects one of the recurring themes of the 200-night reports: the gathering as a family experience.

But Qom also carries another emotional layer.

For many people there, as elsewhere, the gatherings have taken place in the shadow of mourning.

The faces in the crowd are not only faces of participation. Some are faces of remembrance.

Tonekabon: The veteran who still comes

On Iran's northern Caspian coast, Tonekabon in Mazandaran Province offers perhaps one of the most poignant images of the entire story.

A 69-year-old man stands among the crowd. His name is Abolfazl Mirzaei. He is a 50-percent disabled war veteran. He has lived long enough to carry the physical memory of one war into another period of conflict.

Yet night after night, he makes his way toward Imam Khomeini Square.

200 nights, one flag

Tonekabon: Abolfazl Mirzaei, 69, a 50-percent disabled war veteran, attends a nightly gathering at Imam Khomeini Square in Tonekabon despite his physical condition.

The photograph needs little explanation.

The man's age tells one story.

His disability tells another.

His presence tells a third.

The 200-night story is therefore not only about young faces or large crowds. It is also about people carrying memories from decades past into the present.

What does it mean to be proud?

The word “pride” is often used loosely when discussing nations.

But in the Iranian case, it has a deeper historical and cultural context.

The Encyclopaedia Iranica notes that a strong sense of pride in Iran's cultural heritage, with Persian literature at its core, together with a consciousness of historical continuity and the belief that Iranians can survive recurrent periods of upheaval, has served as a cohesive force in Iranian identity.

That idea can be found across centuries of Persian literature.

Ferdowsi's Shahnameh preserved stories of kings, warriors, loss, endurance and the survival of a cultural memory across generations. Simin Behbahani, discussing Ferdowsi, described the Shahnameh as having helped revive a sense of pride and unity among Iranians.

Saadi, writing centuries earlier, reduced the idea of shared humanity to one of the most enduring images in Persian literature: human beings as members of one body.

These are literary traditions, not political instructions.

But they help explain why words such as dignity, endurance, homeland and memory carry such emotional weight in Iran.

Modern observers have noticed that characteristic as well.

On May 6, 2026, US President Donald Trump, speaking about negotiations with Iran, said of Iranians: "should raise the white flag of surrender" but that it is "too arrogant to do so."

He added that they can fight or cry when wounded and described their pride as particularly strong.

It was a striking acknowledgment from an American president of a characteristic frequently associated with Iranian national identity.

Two hundred nights

The 200 nights can be read in many ways.

Government officials have described them as a demonstration of national resolve. Critics of the gatherings may interpret them differently. The reports from Mehr, however, provide something more concrete: photographs and conversations with people who repeatedly returned to public squares.

A mother holding a child.

Women from several generations standing beneath one banner.

A woman repairing a flag with a sewing machine.

Children drawing.

A teenager returning to the same square.

A 35-year-old man helping with Quran recitation.

A 69-year-old veteran walking into the crowd despite his physical limitations.

And, everywhere, the night.

There is also grief.

The photographs contain smiles, flags, and gatherings, but they cannot entirely conceal the absence around which much of this period has been emotionally organized.

For some participants, the squares have become places to remember Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei.

His name appears on banners.

His image appears in the visual landscape.

And for those who came to regard him as their leader, his martyrdom left behind a form of absence that cannot be filled simply by another speech or another gathering.

That may be why some of the photographs feel quieter than the slogans surrounding them.

A mother holds her child.

An old veteran stands among younger people.

A woman bends over a sewing machine.

The flag is torn, and someone repairs it.

The night grows late.

Then people begin to leave.

The square becomes quieter.

But the story does not end there.

Two hundred nights are not two hundred identical nights.

They are two hundred evenings of changing weather, changing faces, changing emotions and repeated memories.

They are 200 nights in which a country at war has watched its people return to the same public spaces.

Whether viewed as political expression, mourning, communal ritual or a manifestation of national identity, the gatherings have produced a remarkable visual archive.

And perhaps the most powerful image is still the simplest one:

the lights of an Iranian square at night,

people slowly arriving,

and a flag — sometimes worn, sometimes torn, sometimes repaired by hand — rising once more above the crowd.