Sunday, May 24, 2026

Iran, Oman discuss Hormuz maritime rules amid ongoing US talks

Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister for Legal and International Affairs Kazem Gharibabadi says Tehran and Muscat have held extensive consultations on maritime security and navigation rules in the Strait of Hormuz.

In a post on X on Sunday, Gharibabadi said he traveled to Oman at the head of a diplomatic and legal delegation and met with Foreign Minister Badr bin Hamad al-Busaidi.

Gharibabadi delivered a message from Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi concerning ongoing regional consultations and bilateral cooperation between the two neighboring countries.

According to the Iranian diplomat, the message also addressed the ongoing Pakistan-mediated talks between Tehran and Washington and efforts to advance the negotiations.

Following the meeting, he said, the Iranian and Omani delegations held an extensive session on principles governing maritime passage through the Strait of Hormuz.

The two sides emphasized the importance of maintaining security and respecting the national sovereignty of the coastal states in accordance with international law.

The talks were attended by Oman’s Undersecretary for Political Affairs, Sheikh Khalifa bin Ali bin Issa al-Harthy and several officials from both sides.

The meeting comes amid heightened regional tensions following the joint US-Israeli aggression against Iran.

Since the United States and Israel launched their unprovoked war against Iran in late February, Iranian armed forces have placed the Strait of Hormuz under strict control, blocking vessels associated with the two aggressors.

Iranian authorities have since maintained that lasting stability in the strategic waterway depends on an end to hostilities against the Islamic Republic.

US wartime demands collapse, leaving Trump empty-handed as regional power shifts: Ex-diplomat

By Press TV Website Staff

After Iran’s unyielding resistance in the face of an unprovoked war, a former diplomat says Washington’s demands have collapsed, leaving President Donald Trump with no tangible gains and underscoring a major shift in regional power dynamics.

After nearly 40 days of full-intensity war triggered by the US-Israeli aggression against Iran on February 28, Washington's maximalist demands have quietly dissolved.

As mediators push for a permanent end to the unprovoked war of aggression, the shifting diplomatic landscape reveals a significant strategic recalculation in the Persian Gulf.

Speaking to the Press TV website, Hamidreza Asefi, a former Iranian foreign ministry spokesman and ambassador, said Trump "achieved none of his objectives."

He pointed to the stark contrast between Washington's initial rhetoric and the current reality, which he said shows that Trump "received much less than what Obama had obtained in the JCPOA (2015 Iran nuclear deal).”

A ceasefire, not a peace — and a deal still far off

The military aggression, which began on February 28 and came to a halt nearly 40 days later in the face of Iran's spirited resistance, has fundamentally altered the region's security architecture, with the Islamic Republic emerging as a new global power.

A ceasefire was secured on April 8 on Iranian terms, but a formal, permanent end to the war has yet to materialize.

Unconfirmed reports are doing the rounds about the contours of a potential agreement mediated by Pakistan, which would potentially include an end to the US-Israeli aggression on all fronts, the release of frozen Iranian assets, the lifting of the US naval blockade, and the withdrawal of US forces from the region.

Despite this, Asefi cautioned against premature optimism amid ongoing indirect talks facilitated by intermediaries based on Tehran's 14-point peace proposal.

“I think we are very far from reaching a peace agreement,” he said. “What is happening here is a ceasefire and the establishment of a kind of non-hostility; now, the establishment of peace might occur in later stages.”

Washington's demands: from maximalism to retreat

The former ambassador noted that Washington’s demands have been drastically scaled back since the war began. “Trump is a master at shifting his goals and his stances,” Asefi said

Initially, the US demanded that Iran surrender unconditionally, cease all enrichment, forfeit its uranium stockpiles, end support for regional resistance groups, and reduce its missile range to just 300-400 kilometers. The former foreign ministry spokesman noted that these demands have now completely changed with the change in ground realities.

Asefi noted that Trump now touts the opening of the Strait of Hormuz as an achievement, citing the US president's recent social media posts. However, the former ambassador dismissed this, pointing out that the strait was never closed to the wider world.

In reality, the strategic waterway remains closed specifically to US and allied vessels amid Washington's maritime banditry and “naval blockade”. Iran has asserted legitimate control over the strategic waterway, maintaining that it will remain closed to hostile commercial vessels until all Iranian demands are fulfilled.

The US has also cited preventing Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons as a victory.

“Well, we have said this for a long time, meaning since the beginning of the Revolution,” Asefi explained, adding that this stance is backed by the fatwa (religious decree) of the martyred Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, and confirmed by the UN nuclear agency in many of its reports.

On Iran's enriched uranium stockpiles, the US position has similarly eroded, he stated.

“Regarding those 400-plus kilograms of enriched uranium, first Trump said it must be handed over to us; then he said it can be handed over to China,” the former envoy noted.

“Yesterday, he also said that regarding these stockpiles, they must be optimally managed, which marks yet another retreat.”

Asefi attributed Washington's failure to several core Iranian strengths. “This is due to nothing but the presence of the people on the scene, the perseverance of the people, and the high military and defense capability of the Islamic Republic,” he said.

The strategic leverage of the Strait of Hormuz, he added, played a pivotal role — one whose significance had been underestimated. “The Strait of Hormuz was something whose importance we had not paid attention to from the beginning to the extent that is now clear.”

On Pakistan's role

The diplomatic maneuvering to end the war has heavily relied on Islamabad. Pakistan's army chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir, recently paid a one-day visit to Tehran — his second trip in recent weeks — to discuss efforts aimed at ending the third imposed war.

Asefi praised Pakistan's intense mediation efforts, which included numerous visits and quiet diplomacy. Notably, he pointed to a less visible dimension of Islamabad's role.

“Another thing it did, which has not become very apparent, was that it built a bridge with China,” he said, explaining that Pakistan leveraged Beijing as an old ally.

Pakistan's motivations for stepping in are multifaceted, he added. “Pakistan, in any case, has some capacities among Islamic countries; it possesses nuclear weapons and has a large population,” the former spokesman noted.

Through this successful mediation, Islamabad seeks international prestige and a stronger balance against India, said Asefi, adding that Pakistan hopes to establish better relations with Saudi Arabia, thereby achieving a broader balance between Iran and the Kingdom.

A new regional equation

As the geopolitical fallout of the war is analyzed globally, the former ambassador noted that think tanks from China to the West have reached common conclusions.

“These studies say that this war showed that in the new formula for peace, the new rule is the serious role and agency of the Islamic Republic, especially in international waterways,” Asefi told the Press TV website.

Another crucial lesson concerns the limits of alliance networks versus territorial strength. “Another point it mentions is that network power cannot replace strategic depth,” he said.

Asefi used the United Arab Emirates as a prime example: while the UAE had built strong economic, military, and intelligence cooperation with various countries, that network power proved insufficient when tested against actual strategic depth, he asserted.

Ultimately, the war has exposed the true weight of regional actors. “These events showed that the geopolitics of the region have changed, and the actual weight of the countries has also become clear,” Asefi noted.

“If we pay attention to these factors, it shows regional countries must adapt to the new situation and seek to create an endogenous security in the region,” he added.

15 Muslim countries condemn 'illegal' opening of Somaliland 'embassy' in occupied al-Quds

Somaliland region’s president, Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (L) shows the "joint and mutual declaration” signed with the Israeli regime's foreign minister Gideon Saar in the capital Hargeisa in January 2026.
At least 15 Muslim countries have strongly condemned the opening of a Somaliland "embassy" in occupied al-Quds, Palestine.

In a joint statement reported on Sunday, the countries said such a move would constitute an "illegal act" that is "unacceptable" to all countries abiding by international law.

In the joint statement, the foreign ministers of Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Jordan, Turkey, Pakistan, Indonesia, Djibouti, Somalia, Palestine, Oman, Sudan, Yemen, Lebanon and Mauritania rejected the notion, describing it as a clear violation of international law and a threat to the historical and legal status of the city.

They added that the purported move would also be in clear violation of UN resolutions.

The joint statement came days after Somaliland region's so-called ambassador to Tel Aviv announced the embassy would open in al-Quds, Jerusalem.

The Israeli regime's foreign minister Gideon Saar said opening a Somaliland embassy in occupied al-Quds Jerusalem is "another significant step in strengthening relations" between the two entities.

Somalia president warns against Israeli interference, vows to prevent any military base in SomalilandSomalia president warns against Israeli interference, vows to prevent any military base in Somaliland

The Israeli regime is the first member of the United Nations to formally recognize Somaliland as an independent country and is expected to open an embassy in Hargeisa.

Tel Aviv recognized Somalia’s breakaway region of Somaliland in December 2025, undermining the Horn of Africa nation's sovereignty and territorial integrity.

In response, Somalia’s federal government strongly rejected the move, calling it unlawful and reiterating that Somaliland remains an integral part of Somalia’s sovereign territory.

A growing number of countries and international organizations have also rejected the Israeli regime's move, warning of the dangerous implications of such decisions for regional and international stability.

Somaliland declared independence from Somalia in 1991; however, it has failed to gain international recognition till now.

Dawn of a new era: Third imposed war winds down with Iran's ascendency as US hegemony collapses

By Press TV Strategic Analysis Desk

The third war imposed by the United States and its Zionist proxy on the Islamic Republic of Iran on February 28 is drawing to a close under conditions that unequivocally signify a comprehensive strategic failure for the aggressors.

Not a single one of the publicly declared objectives of the American-Israeli war alliance – the demand for "regime change," the insistence on unconditional surrender, or the explicit threat to physically dismantle Iran's military and civilizational fabric – has been achieved.

On the contrary, the Islamic Republic has not only survived the unprovoked and illegal military aggression but has emerged from it demonstrably strong and more resilient.  

The enemy's miscalculations regarding Iran's true military capabilities, its social resilience, and its regional influence have backfired catastrophically.

The end of this war marks nothing less than a historic turning point: the dawn of Iran's era as a new superpower and the definitive beginning of American hegemonic decline.

Anatomy of a failure - Enemy's unachieved objectives

From the outset, the US and the Zionist regime operated under a profound miscalculation of Iran's national power. Convinced that a lethal cocktail of military pressure, economic strangulation, and internal subversion would suffice, they launched the third imposed war with a singular, delusional objective: the complete annihilation of the Islamic Republic.

This was never a limited engagement aimed at extracting concessions but an existential offensive built entirely on the assumption that Iran was brittle, isolated, and ripe for collapse. Every day of the 40-day war proved that assumption catastrophically wrong.

The enemy's propaganda machine, operating with an uncharacteristic transparency born of sheer arrogance, publicly advertised a litany of war aims that have since become historical artifacts of hubris, something acknowledged by both friends and foes of Iran.

From the very first day, American and Israeli regime officials explicitly declared that the war's purpose was nothing less than the destruction of the Islamic Republic. They sketched vivid scenarios of a partitioned Iran, demanded unconditional surrender, and announced the imminent annihilation of Iran's air and naval forces.

President Donald Trump himself speculated openly about designating a new leadership in Tehran. The boasts only escalated – Iranians would soon beg for a ceasefire, the job left unfinished 47 years prior would finally be completed, all of Iran's oil would be seized,  Iranian civilization would be reduced to rubble, Iran itself would be wiped off the map.

These were not casual offhand remarks. They were repeated, recorded, and broadcast to the world throughout the 40 days of war and well beyond. Now, they stand as a permanent, irrefutable record of the enemy’s overreach and miscalculation. Notably, this pattern of pre-war grandiosity was not without precedent. During the 12-day war in June last year, the US had already claimed the complete destruction of Iran's nuclear industry, a boast that proved equally hollow. The repetition of such claims only deepens the humiliation of their failure.

Nowhere was the enemy's strategic confusion more starkly on display than in the confrontation over the Strait of Hormuz. Faced with Iran's decisive and entirely lawful action to block the waterway, a sovereign right exercised in legitimate self-defense, Americans cycled frantically through a series of incoherent and self-contradictory postures.

First, it claimed it would reopen the Strait immediately. Then, it declared it would simply abandon the Strait, absurdly asserting that it had no interests there and that others, who supposedly did have interests, should bear the burden.

Next, it called on NATO and its European allies for military assistance, without any favorable response. It then launched a naval armada to force the Strait open by raw military power, only to see that operation collapse in failure in less than 48 hours.

It resorted to a series of propaganda stunts, seeking souvenir photographs near the Strait and exploiting a ceasefire and the Islamabad negotiations to sneak two vessels through deceitfully. It threatened to attack and occupy Kharg Island. Finally, it attempted to line up 30 commercial vessels for an escorted exit from the Strait – an operation that failed disastrously, with serious damage inflicted upon the escorting naval assets.

Each of these maneuvers, from bluster to retreat, exposed a central, undeniable truth: the American war machine lacked both the strategic coherence and the operational capability to challenge Iran's legitimate and unopposed control over its sovereign waters.

The twin miscalculations – Hubris meets reality

The entirety of the enemy's failure can be traced to two fundamental miscalculations, each compounding and reinforcing the other in a deadly spiral of strategic blindness.

The first error was America's intoxication with its own crude propaganda. It grew dangerously arrogant about its capabilities across multiple domains. In domestic politics, it assumed it could sustain a prolonged war without triggering internal backlash. In its internal economy, it believed its financial power could simply outlast Iran's resilience. In international politics, it took for granted that it could maintain a unified coalition.

In military, strategic, and intelligence affairs, it assumed that technological superiority would automatically translate into decisive military victory. This was pure delusion and a classic case of a declining hegemon mistaking its fading legacy for living reality.

The second error – far larger and more consequential – was the enemy's systematic underestimation of Iran's actual capabilities. The US and its Zionist proxy failed catastrophically to assess the full spectrum of Iranian power.

It didn’t take into account Iran’s military and strategic strength, including advanced missile forces and asymmetric warfare doctrines; its deep regional influence and network of allies, chief among them the resistance front; its domestic political cohesion and popular legitimacy, including people’s remarkable resilience and unwavering willingness to defend the nation; its economic and social endurance under maximum pressure; and the extraordinary adaptive capacity of Iranian institutions in wartime.

This double miscalculation, inflating one's own power while deflating the adversary's, is the classic formula for strategic disaster. The enemy marched into this war expecting a walkover and found itself trapped in a deep quagmire with no easy or dignified exit.

This miscalculation wasn’t limited to Iran alone. The Zionist regime repeated the identical error regarding Hezbollah's capabilities, resources, and strategic leverage.

Having profoundly underestimated the Resistance's battlefield competence, logistical depth, and staying power, the regime now finds itself ensnared in southern Lebanon, caught in Hezbollah's strategic net, with no viable path forward and no honorable retreat.

This parallel failure across two fronts underscores a systemic intelligence and strategic deficit running deep through the entire enemy camp, from Tel Aviv to Washington and beyond.

The end of the war – Imposed defeat on America

The war is ending not through an American victory, nor even through a negotiated compromise, but through the outright imposition of a ceasefire upon the United States.

Whether formalized as a memorandum of understanding or a final agreement, this ceasefire has been forced on Washington and its proxies without the achievement of a single one of Trump's declared objectives or boasts. By merely agreeing to end hostilities under such terms, the American side has implicitly admitted the totality of its miscalculations and initiated a disgraceful, headlong retreat from every demand and threat it once made.

For the US, the outcome is a ledger of absolute zeros: no fall of the Islamic Republic, no “regime change,” no strategic realignment of Iranian policy, no weakening of Iran's nuclear or missile capabilities (let alone their destruction), no degradation of the resistance front, and, most critically, no uprising or internal collapse.

Every scenario the enemy had scripted played out instead as a humiliating debunking.

For Iran, by contrast, the gains are substantial and irreversible. Sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz is now a fact on the water, not a legal abstraction. Iran's power projection in the Persian Gulf has been dramatically enhanced, with its role and standing elevated beyond any pre-war measure. Designated terrorist groups operating against Iranian interests have been destroyed or seriously weakened. Iran's international image, severely damaged by the January coup attempt, has been restored and even enhanced.

And on the domestic front, the war has forged unprecedented unity, marked by the continuous, historic presence of the Iranian people on the scene, actively and visibly supporting the Islamic Republic and the country's armed forces.

Even in the purely hypothetical – indeed impossible – scenario where Iran received no material compensation for the destruction caused by the enemy during the war, the mere fact of American failure would still constitute an unequivocal Iranian victory.

America's failure in the third imposed war must be understood as the final act of a trilogy. In less than ten months, Iran has emerged victorious from three distinct wars: the 12-day war, the January coup attempt, and now the 40-day imposed war. Two military campaigns and one covert regime-change operation – all failed consecutively and disastrously.

This is no coincidence but an unmistakable pattern of systemic Iranian resilience on one side and systematic American incompetence on the other.

The geopolitical earthquake – Iran's superpower emergence and American decline

Even if secondary issues remain unresolved, such as the precise mechanism for lifting illegal sanctions, the question of war reparations, or formal American recognition of Iran's sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz, the central, undeniable fact stands immutable: the United States deployed its most advanced military, economic, and technological arsenal to bring Iran to its knees, and it failed utterly and humiliatingly.

Consider the magnitude of this moment. For at least a full century, this was the superpower that dominated global wars and conflicts, a superpower whose mere deployment of aircraft carriers would topple governments and redraw regional maps at will.

That same superpower has now failed against the Iranian nation, a nation materially and economically less powerful by any conventional metric. This is not a minor setback or a tactical inconvenience but a seismic event with far-reaching consequences. It stands as the single most visible evidence of American decline since the end of the Cold War.

The failure of the third imposed war marks not merely a decisive Iranian victory, but the beginning of an entirely new era: Iran's emergence as a superpower in its own right.

This is not hyperbole but a structural shift in the global balance of power. A nation that successfully defends its sovereignty against a full-spectrum and unprovoked aggression, imposes its terms on the defeated aggressor, expands its regional influence, and demonstrates strategic patience and civilizational resilience – such a nation has unequivocally earned its place at the table of great powers.

Iran has accomplished all of this while operating under the most severe sanctions regime in modern history, which continued even during the recent war.

At a minimum, this outcome has radically and permanently altered the cost-benefit calculations of any future aggressor. The decision to impose another war on Iran – should any enemy be foolish enough to contemplate such madness again – is now exponentially harder, more complex, and more perilous than the decision the enemy made on February 28. Iran's deterrent capability has been elevated from a regional asset to a strategic global reality and the war planners in Washington fully know it.

The unending struggle – Hostility with no end

Despite the impending end of the third imposed war, several critical issues within the agreement desired by Iran remain deliberately ambiguous. The US has conspicuously failed to provide clear answers on key clauses. Therefore, from Iran's perspective, no final agreement exists – and no such agreement will be recognized – until every element, component, and clause of it is fully realized and unambiguously clarified.

Moreover, even if an agreement were to be finalized, the potential for American treachery is not a mere possibility but a feature encoded deep in the enemy's political DNA.

The American war machine twice launched wars in the very midst of negotiations. An enemy that resorts to aggression while talking cannot be trusted to honor commitments once the ceasefire takes hold. Past behavior is not merely a warning but a predictor of future conduct.

The enmity and hostility of the US and other arrogant powers toward the Islamic Republic is not a temporary policy disagreement, nor a conflict over this or that administration's priorities. It is a structural feature of the international system itself, and it will remain so as long as Iran maintains its independence, upholds the basic rights of its people, and adheres unwaveringly to its revolutionary Islamic principles and identity.

This struggle will not end with any single agreement, memorandum, or ceasefire. It will persist, relentlessly, albeit on shifting battlefields and through evolving tactics.

Even at this late stage, the enemy retains its full capacity for deception. The heavy offensive military deployment currently arrayed around Iran's borders – troops, naval assets, and air power in overwhelming concentration – is not defensive posturing by any definition. It is a clear signal of potential renewed betrayal.

Iran must therefore remain vigilant, operating always under the expectation that the enemy may once again violate both the spirit and the letter of any dialogue and any agreement. Vigilance is not paranoia but a strategic necessity against an enemy like the US.

Strait of Hormuz – A sovereignty neither negotiated nor dependent on recognition

Iran does not require – and has never sought – American recognition of its legal sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz. The strategic waterway in the Persian Gulf is under Iran's effective control, a fait accompli carved not from negotiation but from action, a right achieved and exercised, not a favor to be begged for at the negotiating table.

To expect Americans to formally admit this reality would be to expect the enemy to officially certify its own superpower decline and decay. American global hegemony was built upon two pillars above all others: uncontested naval power and the freedom of movement across every waterway on the planet. Formal recognition of Iranian control over one of the world's most vital chokepoints would be nothing less than a public, ceremonial admission that those pillars have crumbled and that era has ended.

Iran's presence in the Strait of Hormuz is not an act of extortion, as enemy propaganda endlessly claims, but an act of responsible stewardship.

The services Iran provides, ensuring maritime security against piracy and aggression, protecting the fragile marine environment from pollution and disaster, offering necessary navigational aid and emergency response to vessels in distress, actively facilitating the free flow of trade and economic prosperity for the entire region and the world at large.

Therefore, any fees Iran receives or will receive for these services are not arbitrary "tolls" or "taxes" levied on international commerce. They are legitimate service charges for vessels transiting the waterway. This framing is no mere semantic distinction but the legal, operational, and moral basis for Iran's continued administration of the waterway.

And unlike the hegemon's unfounded claims, it rests not on boasts but on boots on the ground – or rather, ships on the water.

Taking Iran's lead, a global resistance front is needed against US-backed Israeli war machine

By Dina Y. Sulaeman

The Israeli navy does not ask for your passport before opening fire. They don't care whether your country's government has diplomatic relations with Tel Aviv or not. They also don't care if your country is secretly starting to soften its attitude toward Israel for the sake of a more comfortable relationship.

They capture, detain, injure, even kill – then wait for the world to look away.

The "Global Sumud Flotilla," a global humanitarian activist movement to send food to Gaza by sea, has proven one thing indisputably: any country that sends its citizens on humanitarian missions to Gaza must accept insults from Israel.

South Korea, Greece, France, Brazil, Canada, Australia, the United Kingdom, and Sweden all have good relations with Israel. But their citizens are still detained by Israel in international waters.

Similar missions have been carried out for over a decade, and they always end the same way: activists are arrested or even killed. In the 2010 Mavi Marmara tragedy, for instance, ten Turkish activists were killed by regime forces, yet no meaningful accountability ever followed.

The pattern is very clear. Israel operates on the assumption that the world will condemn and then forget. And so far, that assumption has proven to be true, at least until recently.

No "right diplomatic tone"

Indonesia's experience is both interesting and painful. In recent years, Jakarta has shown signs of change in its approach to the Palestinian issue. In fact, the President of Indonesia once issued a statement, "peace can only come if everyone recognizes, respects, and guarantees the security of Israel."

Indonesia even joined the Board of Peace formed by Trump, of which there is Israel as a member, while the official representative of the Palestinian Authority was not accepted.

The tone of Indonesia's diplomacy has changed, from a principled confrontation to a more cautious and accommodating approach.

And what does Indonesia get in return? Four Indonesian soldiers who were members of UNIFIL were killed by Israeli forces in Lebanon. Most recently, five Indonesian citizens who joined the Global Sumud Flotilla were held hostage by Israel in international waters.

Israel has sent its message that accommodation does not produce security. Israel reads diplomatic leniency not as goodwill, but as weakness and as a green light to go further.

The economics of genocide: Who finances aggression?

To understand why Israel acts with impunity as it does now, we must look at the support architecture that allows impunity to take place, and that architecture is primarily economic.

The United States provides about $3.8 billion in annual military aid to Israel, plus an emergency aid package that made total fund transfers increase much larger during the Gaza genocide. But military aid is only the most visible layer.

Israel is supported by an arms supply chain by American arms manufacturers such as Boeing, Lockheed Martin, Elbit Systems, and L3 Technologies that provide bombs, drones, and surveillance technology used in Gaza. There is financial exposure from BlackRock, Vanguard, and major Western banks that have significant stakes in Israeli arms companies and bonds that finance their genocidal aggressions from Gaza to Beirut to Tehran.

There is technological support from Amazon Web Services and Google that provides cloud infrastructure for the Israeli military and intelligence through "Project Nimbus", despite major protests from their own employees.

Some companies are proven to operate in illegal Israeli settlements or support Israeli military recruitment, but remain free to operate in the Global South market.

There are notorious militias that carry out genocide in Sudan, with arms supplies from Israel through the hands of the United Arab Emirates, in order to control the gold mines. And more. 

They all form a system of financial immunity to a colonial project and that system works through the daily consumption choices of billions of people around the world.

The Israeli-American axis is not just a bilateral alliance. It is a system that was designed to maintain a certain global order, in which some lives are deemed worthy of protection while others are deemed to be sacrificeable.

Urgent need to form a global resistance front

Here, we need to review the global situation more comprehensively. Iran's resistance and that of the axis of resistance against the US and Israel have led to a marked decline in US power.

The bullying carried out by the US and Israel has had a global impact. It's time we talk about a global resistance front. The world needs to come together to harness all the legitimate instruments at the disposal of sovereign states and civil society to make Israel's impunity costly.

The instrument is actually available. What has been lacking so far is the political will to use it simultaneously and on a large scale. For example, every member state of the Rome Statute is obliged to execute an ICC arrest warrant and Netanyahu's arrest warrant already exists.

The genocide lawsuit brought by South Africa at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) is a historic intervention that needs more supporters. More countries should join, file amicus briefs, or at least express official support. In this way, legal isolation works.

On the economic front, countries should stop procurement contracts with companies that supply dual-use weapons or technology to Israel, remove Israeli military bonds from sovereign wealth fund portfolios, and implement BDS principles as state policy, not just the aspirations of civil society.

Currently, more than 140 countries have recognized Palestine. Supposedly, this should not stop as empty symbolism. Any recognition should be used as a basis for a real change in the position of Palestinian international law. If Palestine is officially admitted as a member state of the United Nations, it has the right to build up a military and receive military assistance from countries when it is attacked by Israel (Article 51 of the UN Charter).

Boycotts of Israel from sporting events, music competitions, and others also need to be done. Because Israel is so dependent on international legitimacy, that's where its vulnerability lies.

What Gaza needs is no longer just an expression of sympathy or verbal condemnation. What is needed is a front of countries and world societies that together decide that the cost of silence is much more expensive than the cost of resistance.

Iran has carried out its duties in the military arena against the US and Israel. Other countries need to show real progress on various fronts because Israel can only be stopped if it is really pressured from multiple directions, simultaneously, with real consequences.

Dina Y. Sulaeman is an Assistant Professor of International Relations at Universitas Padjadjaran, Indonesia