Tuesday, April 14, 2026

Butterfly effect of energy crisis stronger than forecasts: energy expert

TEHRAN- An energy market expert stated that the butterfly effect of the energy crisis in the Persian Gulf was far more widespread than experts had predicted, demonstrating just how high the world's dependence on West Asian energy truly is.

Mehrad Ebad, in an interview with IRNA explaining the consequences of the recent global energy war, declared: "This conflict was without a doubt one of the most impactful events in the energy sector in recent weeks. After the war began and the ability to transport various cargoes, especially oil, decreased due to operational insecurity in the Persian Gulf, prices began to rise."

He explained: "Simultaneously with the restriction of ship traffic and disruptions in fuel transportation, production in the region was also damaged."

Ebad added: "Many production units, even if not directly damaged, reduced their output due to a lack of storage capacity. Although some efforts were made for limited transportation via pipelines, the volume was negligible and could not compensate for the energy shortage."

According to this analyst, the reduction in global supply caused almost all countries to face rising energy carrier prices.

He noted: "We witnessed energy price increases on every continent, and even the United States was not spared from this inflationary wave. Tapping into strategic reserves and diplomatic efforts to control the market have also yielded no tangible results."

Ebad, referring to the daily increase in prices of various energy carriers, continued: "Natural gas, petrochemical products, fertilizers, and transportation costs have all seen significant growth, and this has had a cascading effect on the prices of most goods passing through the region. The butterfly effect of this crisis was far more extensive than experts predicted and showed just how high the world's dependence on West Asian energy is."

Stating that some countries have taken measures to manage the situation, he added: "Sanctions on Russia were lifted, and the country was again able to sell oil. Iran also continued to export oil during this period and even reduced its discounts, offering it at higher prices. As a result, due to the global shortage, Iran was among the few countries able to increase its exports."

Ebad outlined two main scenarios for the future of the global energy market as follows: "The first is the resumption of hostilities, in which case the prices of all types of energy and related goods in the region and the world will increase, and oil reaching $200 per barrel would not be unlikely."

According to him, "The second scenario is the continuation of negotiations. In this scenario, there is a possibility of a slight decrease and relative stability in the market, but a sharp drop in prices is not expected. If an agreement is reached, the market may return to pre-war price levels over a period of several months."

Iran war & petrodollar’s perfect storm

TEHRAN- As tensions escalate in the Persian Gulf, a new analysis from Deutsche Bank warns that the ongoing conflict with Iran may inadvertently trigger a seismic shift in global oil markets.

The report, which has been circulating among financial circles, argues that the Iran war represents a “perfect storm” for the petrodollar—the primary currency in which oil has historically been bought and sold.

According to the bank’s findings, several converging factors are now threatening the dollar’s decades-long dominance. 

First and foremost is the deepening U.S. military entanglement in the Persian Gulf. As American naval forces become increasingly tied down securing strategic waterways, the perception of U.S. stability—long the bedrock of the dollar’s reserve status—is being called into question.

Simultaneously, the weaponization of the Strait of Hormuz by Iranian forces has disrupted tanker traffic and forced buyers to seek alternative, more reliable trading mechanisms. 

Yet the most striking development, according to the report, is mounting evidence that Tehran is granting passage through the strait in exchange for yuan-denominated payments. This quid pro quo arrangement, if verified, establishes a direct financial incentive for oil buyers to sidestep the dollar entirely.

Taken together, these three elements—military overextension, a strategic chokepoint turned into a bargaining tool, and China’s yuan stepping into the void—amount to what Deutsche Bank calls a “historic blow” to dollar dominance.

For decades, the petrodollar system has given the United States unique leverage, forcing nations to hold dollar reserves simply to purchase energy. A shift away from that model would not only weaken U.S. financial influence but also empower rival powers like China and Russia.

While the White House has yet to comment on the report, energy analysts note that any sustained move away from the dollar would have profound consequences. 

Oil-importing nations might face higher transaction costs and currency volatility, while the U.S. could lose its ability to effectively impose financial sanctions.

Whether this perfect storm will indeed materialize remains uncertain. 

What is clear, however, is that the Iran war has opened a door that Washington may find difficult to close—one where the world’s most traded commodity no longer requires the world’s most dominant currency.

Indic Strategic Culture and Iran

The heroic resistance put up by the Islamic Republic of Iran can be analyzed from one of the most notable thought leaders in India’s strategic culture.

Pranay Kumar Shome

International politics is all about power. Joseph Nye, the late political scientist, conceptualized power into three categories—hard power, soft power, and smart power. Hard power was concerned with the combination of economic strength and military prowess, soft power with the cultural influence wielded by a nation, and smart power is based on a judicious combination of hard power and soft power.

Within the context of exercising power, the strategic culture of an actor matters a lot. Alastair Johnston, a renowned authority on the idea of strategic culture, defines it as a “mental map or software program of shared beliefs that tells a state how to respond to threats.”

Most of the major state actors in the Middle East are hell-bent on destroying Tehran, clearly highlighting the need for Iran to fight back with everything it has got

Ever since the United States of America and Israel launched their illegal and imperialist war against Iran on February 28, military strategists the world over have been trying to deconstruct almost every single facet of the war so as to enhance their respective countries’ security.

When it comes to Iran, the Islamic Republic is exercising force that, interestingly, is based on the lessons of one of India’s most celebrated statesmen—Kautilya.

Kautilya, popularly known as Chanakya, was an ancient Indian statesman who served as the prime minister of the first pan-Indian empire in its history— the Mauryan Empire. He is known for his treatise Arthashastra, or the ‘science of statecraft.’ Divided into 15 books, the treatise serves as a foundational guide for a ruler on how to carve out an empire and enforce good governance. While the treatise deals with a multiplicity of subjects such as taxation, maintenance of law and order, agriculture, etc., it deals mostly with war and statecraft.

In the context of the ongoing war in the Middle East and Iran’s resistance against the U.S.-Israel duo, three key ideas of Kautilya are applicable.

Mandala Theory

This theory represents a concentric circle of states where the core circle manifests itself through the Vijigishu, a Sanskrit word denoting an aspiring conqueror. In the context of the ongoing war, there are two ‘aspiring’ conquerors—Israel and the U.S.A. The next circle is the Ari, Sanskrit word for “foe”; in this context, the foe of the duo is Iran. The next circle, which supersedes the Ari, is the Mitra, a Sanskrit word for ally. The Gulf Arab states in the region represent America’s and Israel’s direct and indirect allies.

This effectively means that most of the major state actors in the Middle East are hell bent on destroying Tehran, clearly highlighting the need for Iran to fight back with everything it has got.

Shadgunya Niti

As the aspiring conquerors of the Mandala theory are trying their level best to try and harm the Islamic Republic, Iran is fighting back by enacting policies that broadly correspond to the six-fold policy theory of Kautilya. These are Sandhi (peace), Vigraha (war), Yana (preparing for war), Samshraya (seeking alliance), and dvaidhibhava (dual policy—alliance with one power and hostility to others).

Iran opted for the policy of Sandhi by extending the olive branch to the Americans and Israelis by opening diplomatic negotiations on its nuclear program via third countries, only to be betrayed by the duo. Therefore, the Islamic Republic had no option but to respond to the violations of its sovereignty by defending itself; in doing so, Iran gravitated towards the policy of Vigraha. At present, Iran is pursuing dvaidhibhava, under which, despite enforcing a de-facto blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, Iran is allowing the shipping vessels of friendly countries to pass, even as it continues to block the maritime shipping assets of hostile countries, particularly the U.S. and Israel.

Four Upayas

Linked to the Shadgunya Niti, or six-fold policy of Kautilya, are the four upayas, or expedients. Kautilya articulated these as steps that can enable a ruler to deal with other kingdoms in a pragmatic, calculated way. These four upayas are — SamaDanaDanda and BhedaSama means a policy of conciliation, dana means offering concessions in order to earn the goodwill of the negotiating parties, danda means exercising the use of force to fulfil one’s national interests, and bheda means sowing the seeds of dissension in another kingdom so that the concerned kingdom unravels from within.

In the context of the ongoing war, Iran sought conciliation with the U.S. and Israel. Despite marked contradictions in their respective societies, institutions, and outlook towards world politics, Iran tried negotiating in good faith; it even offered concessions, or dana, in the form of its long cherished nuclear program, which was long perceived in global intellectual circles as the crown jewel of Iran’s scientific development; however, Iran’s goodwill was rebuffed. Hence, left with no other choice, Iran chose to defend itself and hence resorted to the exercise of the option of danda.

In order to make the cost of the war prohibitive for the aspiring conquerors, Iran is engaging in what Kautilya called the Gudha Yudh; it relies on the use of clandestine assets to erode the conventional military advantage of the enemy. This Iranian strategy is manifesting itself in the formidable network of allied non-state actors (known as the “Axis of Resistance”) that it has created in the region and its use of information war as a means to ensure that the cost of waging war by the conquerors would be prohibitive in a bid to shield the Iranian populace from the attacks of the imperialists.

Therefore, it can be concluded that despite being over two millennia old, the theoretical lessons contained in Kautilya’s Arthashastra continue to animate global intellectual conversations. Therefore, Iran must continue utilizing the lessons from the Arthashastra in order to emerge victorious in this paradigm-shaping war.

Pranay Kumar Shome, a research analyst who is a PhD candidate at Mahatma Gandhi Central University, Bihar, India

Do not believe Tucker Carlson; Trump owns this war

 By Garsha Vazirian

From My Lai to Minab, America has never needed Israeli blackmail to slaughter innocents, and we should not fall for its latest escape hatch

TEHRAN — The latest split inside the American right has produced a familiar and dishonest story. Donald Trump’s current and former defenders now want the world to believe he is not truly responsible for what he says, orders, or destroys.

They say the U.S. President is a “slave” to Israeli pressure, a victim of blackmail, kompromat, and threats from forces beyond his control.

That narrative may flatter Tucker Carlson and console the people responsible for Trump’s rise, but it's deeply deceptive.

It suggests that the United States is a "good boy" that has been led astray by a foreign parasite. In reality, Trump is a willing, enthusiastic architect of this carnage, and the empire he leads is the engine of its own destruction.

The excuse that explains too much

Tucker Carlson, Candace Owens, and Alex Jones have all broken with Trump over the war on Iran, and have received his full wrath in return. 

Carlson has openly suggested that Israeli blackmail may explain Trump’s behavior and even describing the president as a “slave” to forces he cannot resist.

That may sound radical, but it functions as a political escape hatch. It turns American aggression into something done to America rather than by America.

Trump does not behave like a man reluctantly dragged into catastrophe.

He boasts, threatens, humiliates, and takes credit. He reaches for the microphone after his war crimes and tells everyone how strong he was.

Trump’s record

Trump’s conduct toward Iran alone should end the “he was forced” theory.

He exited the JCPOA, imposed maximum-pressure sanctions, authorized the assassination of General Qasem Soleimani, and then spoke about that assassination as if it were a personal triumph.

He has mocked critics of the recent war on Iran as “losers,” “nut jobs,” and “low IQ” people who lacked the courage to stand with him.

During his Easter Sunday 2026 post, he issued a crude threat against the Iranian people, saying he would strike Iran’s national energy infrastructure and that they would be "living in Hell." He then escalated further and warned that he would destroy the entire Iranian civilization.

The same pattern appears elsewhere. Trump has spoken casually about killing people, punishing families, and using force as a test of strength.

He revels in the performance of predatory power. That matters, because blackmail does not create a personality out of nowhere. It only works if the person being pressured is already willing to live inside the terms of brutality.

None of this excuses Israel’s role. Israel’s record is abominable, from the Nakba to Gaza and from Dahiyeh to Tehran; and its actions in the region are monstrous.

But acknowledging that does not require pretending Trump is innocent. He knew exactly what power he was seeking and what kind of machine he was climbing into. He wanted it all.

A consistent character from My Lai to Minab

Two massacres tell the story better than any speech.

My Lai, in Vietnam in 1968, was not a battlefield accident. U.S. soldiers deliberately murdered hundreds of unarmed civilians, including children, raped women and girls, and then the military machine moved quickly to cover it up.

The official instinct was denial, minimization, and the search for a scapegoat low enough in the chain of command to absorb public outrage.

Minab belongs in that same lineage. The strike on the elementary school in southern Iran, during the opening phase of the current war, killed children and teachers and was later folded into the usual language of “mistake” and “outdated intelligence.”

The children of Minab will never be forgotten, and their blood stains the hands of the American president who boasted about the lethality of the missiles that took their lives.

That is how America acts.

The Carlson turn

Carlson’s current line on Israel is welcome and contains real observations, but it stops too short.

He has made many Americans aware that Israel has been guilty of the Gaza genocide, has helped engulf the region in turmoil, and has maintained a brutal political order supported by American money, weapons, and diplomatic cover.

He is also right that the Epstein saga and its intelligence links remain extremely important. But from there he slides into the comforting myth that the United States itself is basically decent, merely misled by a foreign power.

That myth has done enormous work for decades. It lets Washington present itself as the reluctant superpower, the one that would prefer peace if only not for the lobby, the blackmail, the foreign influence, the bad ally.

But America’s wars in the Middle East did not begin with Israel’s influence, and they do not end there. The 1953 overthrow of Mohammad Mossadegh, support for Saddam Hussein during Iraq's 8-year aggression against Iran, sanctions, sabotage, assassinations, and military encirclement all predate the current fever. The empire had its appetite long before the latest excuse.

Conversely, the perception of many scholars and experts for decades has been that Israel is a U.S. proxy, dependent on American weapons, parts, intelligence, funding, and diplomatic shielding. The relationship works because Washington finds it useful. Israel can absorb some of the political cost, but the larger strategy remains American.

That strategy is not about one lobby or one president. It is bipartisan, structural, and old. It has to do with primacy, oil routes, military dominance, and confronting countries such as Iran, Russia, and China.

Once that is understood, the “Israel made Trump do it” story looks less like analysis and more like compartmentalization. It spreads the blame around just enough to hide the architecture.

The operative and the limited hangout

?We must also cast a skeptical eye on the so-called dissident media figures such as Tucker Carlson.

Carlson, whose father was in the CIA and a key figure in the U.S. information warfare apparatus at Voice of America, is a man of deep intelligence connections.

His sudden turn against the Israeli lobby may be a limited hangout, a tactical disclosure of some truth to protect a deeper agenda.

Carlson is deeply embedded with the Rockbridge Network and with billionaires such as Peter Thiel, whose influence appears across today’s news cycle, from the resignation of Joe Kent and the leaks related to Vance's opposition to attack Iran to Palantir’s technology being used in war zones.

Thiel’s network also extends into discussions about the links between "angels and demons" and Unidentified Aerial Phenomena (UAP), a theme Carlson has repeated several times and Vance has recently said he believes as well.

Their goal is not to end the American empire, but to refine it into a more efficient, "Little Tech" version under figures such as JD Vance or Joe Kent.

The Butcher’s Doctrine: How Netanyahu Shed the Mask of Morality and Became the West’s Most Dangerous Warlord

The ideological manifesto of a man who realized the mask of morality is no longer needed because the leash has been removed.

Muhammad Hamid ad-Din

This was supposed to be a moment of justification. Addressing the press in Jerusalem on March 20, 2026, Benjamin Netanyahu—Israel’s longest-serving prime minister, a man whose political survival had always depended on a delicate balancing act between Western morality and Middle Eastern brutality—decided to tell the world what he really thinks about ethics.

By comparing Jesus Christ to Genghis Khan, Netanyahu did not misspeak. He delivered the eulogy over the last remnants of pretense that his regime is guided by any humanistic values whatsoever.

Such is the reality of modern Israel under Netanyahu: a country whose prime minister is willing to sell its cultural and legislative independence to appease a foreign president

His words were chilling in their simplicity: “History proves that, unfortunately and tragically, Jesus Christ has no advantage over Genghis Khan. Because if you are strong enough, ruthless enough, powerful enough, evil will triumph over good. Aggression will triumph over moderation.”

For decades, Netanyahu sold himself to the West as a defender of a shared “Judeo-Christian” civilization, a bulwark against the barbarism of the Middle East. But in this single phrase, he flipped the script. He didn’t just admit that he believes in the principle that might makes right. He canonized the idea, arguing that the founder of the largest continental empire in history—a warlord responsible for the deaths of tens of millions of people—is morally indistinguishable from the foundational figure of Western ethics.

This was not a gaffe. It was an admission. It is the ideological manifesto of a man who realized the mask of morality is no longer needed because the leash has been removed.

“The Great Psychopath”: A Partnership of Convenience and Carnage

Netanyahu’s sudden willingness to abandon moral posturing is directly tied to the man he has hitched himself to: Donald Trump. Analysts and political scientists note a distinct shift in the dynamic between Washington and Tel Aviv, describing it not as an alliance of democracies but as a “geopolitical earthquake” fueled by the predatory ambitions of two leaders.

Where previous American presidents sought to restrain Israel’s most aggressive impulses, keeping the “realm of peace” on a leash, Trump has provided Netanyahu with an American shoulder to fire from. The result has been catastrophic. The current war, initiated by joint U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran on February 28, 2026, is widely perceived not as a strategic necessity but as the manifestation of a personal vendetta by two leaders desperately seeking to solidify their legacies and divert attention from legal troubles at home.

However, even within this “blood brotherhood,” cracks are appearing—and they reveal Netanyahu not as a strategic genius but as a reckless gambler who has been sidelined by his own patron.

Just days before his “Genghis Khan” speech, Trump announced that the United States was entering direct talks with Iran to end the war, suspending planned strikes on Iranian infrastructure. The Israeli prime minister, who for months boasted of having “convinced” Trump to engage in the fight, was reportedly not informed. Israeli political scientist Ori Goldberg did not mince words, stating that Trump was “effectively abandoning Israel” and that Netanyahu’s fantasy of himself as a serious geopolitical player had evaporated.

Netanyahu’s reaction was telling. After Trump called for a ceasefire and the start of diplomacy, Israeli forces immediately launched new strikes on Tehran and blew up bridges in Lebanon, boasting of killing “two more nuclear scientists.” It was the act of a cornered man trying to sabotage a peace process he despises, proving that his “alliance” with the U.S. is merely a tool to advance his own maximalist agenda: regime change in Tehran, the destruction of Lebanon, and the continued strangulation of Gaza.

A Colony, Not an Ally: Selling Sovereignty for Survival

Perhaps the most damning evidence of Netanyahu’s transformation from statesman to vassal of Trump’s whims occurred not on the battlefield but in the Knesset. In a scandal that rocked Israeli civil society, it was revealed that Netanyahu altered domestic legislation—specifically the media regulation law—at the direct behest of Donald Trump.

Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi made the revelation public during a committee meeting: a key clause requiring international streaming services like Netflix to invest in Israeli production was removed solely because Trump demanded it. Karhi justified this unprecedented foreign interference by stating that the partnership with the American president was “too important for Israel’s survival.”

The reaction was immediate and furious. Opponents in the Knesset asked whether Israel had become the “51st state,” accusing Netanyahu of sacrificing Israeli sovereignty on the altar of his personal political alliance. Local industry leaders called it a “death blow” to Israeli culture, noting that while virtually every Western country requires streaming platforms to make local investments, Netanyahu’s Israel bends to Trump’s business interests.

Such is the reality of modern Israel under Netanyahu: a country whose prime minister is willing to sell its cultural and legislative independence to appease a foreign president. This is the behavior of a client state, not a sovereign democracy.

The Arithmetic of a Modern-Day Assassin

Netanyahu’s ideology, as articulated in his comparison of Jesus to Genghis Khan, is not merely rhetoric; it is a guide to action. It provides the moral framework for the tactics that have defined his late career: political assassinations and the deliberate blurring of the line between military and civilian targets.

Search results confirm that Israel under Netanyahu is not merely defending itself but pursuing a policy of targeted killings aimed at destabilizing governments. As of March 2026, Netanyahu openly boasts of the assassinations of Iranian nuclear scientists, treating killings as a routine tool of foreign policy.

Analysts suggest that this focus on liquidations—the killing of political and military leadership—actually diverges from U.S. strategy. While Washington is focused on missile capabilities and threats at sea, Tel Aviv is obsessed with regime change through decapitation strikes. This is not a strategy of security; it is a strategy of escalation.

And it has a price that Netanyahu is more than willing to impose on the Palestinian and Iranian peoples. The Higher Presidential Committee of Churches in Palestine, commenting on his remarks about Jesus, noted that such rhetoric is not merely a religious insult; it is a “dangerous justification for violence.” By equating moral virtue with weakness, Netanyahu grants himself a license to commit war crimes, justifying them as necessary for survival in a world where only the ruthless endure.

The Collapse of Netanyahu’s Entire Ideology

For years, Netanyahu managed to maintain a veneer of plausible deniability. He could speak to the U.S. Congress about “Judeo-Christian values” while simultaneously overseeing settlement expansion on occupied land. He could claim to be fighting terrorism while fueling the very extremism he claimed to oppose.

But on March 20, 2026, the mask fell off.

By asserting that Jesus has no “advantage” over Genghis Khan, Netanyahu not only alienated his Christian evangelical base—many of whom reacted furiously to what they perceived as blasphemy—but also laid bare the hollow core of his entire political project.

As Palestinian Lutheran pastor Munther Isaac noted, the statement was offensive because it implied that “the way of Jesus is naive” and that “the ruthless ‘might makes right’ approach is what ultimately allows good to triumph over evil.” Netanyahu is essentially arguing that for Israel to survive, it must abandon the very morality it purports to defend.

And yet, for all his ruthlessness, Netanyahu is failing. Trump is negotiating behind his back. His coalition is fracturing. The promised “total victory” over Iran remains elusive: Tehran is still standing, and the region is in flames.

Netanyahu may see himself as a modern-day conqueror, a king who understands that “aggression will triumph over moderation.” But history—actual history, not the cherry-picked Will Durant quotes—teaches otherwise. Empires built on the bones of Genghis Khan collapsed. The moral framework built by the figure he so casually dismissed has endured for two millennia.

Netanyahu is not a defender of civilization. He is an arsonist who has convinced himself that if he burns the house down first, he can claim he was merely doing some gardening. The world finally sees Netanyahu for who he is: not a statesman, but a villain who has run out of excuses.

Muhammad Hamid ad-Din, prominent Palestinian journalist

Just Go and Get Your OWN Oil: Trump, Hormuz & the End of Guaranteed Alliances

Statements by Donald Trump that U.S. allies should “secure their own oil” in the area of the Strait of Hormuz reflect profound changes in international politics and energy security.

Jeffrey Silverman

It seems like good advice, especially coming from the US, given that Donald Trump has created an artificial world energy shortage and political-financial instability in oil and financial markets. And considering the source of the quote, it has a deeper and more direct meaning that flies over the heads of most: “I am in for the headlines, I do as ordered, and it is a free-for-all, and it is each man for himself.”

Meanwhile, US President Donald Trump has lashed out at the UK and other countries, telling them to “go get your own oil” from the Strait of Hormuz. “You’ll have to start learning how to fight for yourself; the USA won’t be there to help you anymore, just like you weren’t there for us,” he wrote in a Truth Social post.

“I have a suggestion for you: all those countries that can’t get jet fuel because of the Strait of Hormuz, like the UK, which refused to get involved in the decapitation we did for you: 1) Buy from the US—we have plenty, and 2) build up some delayed courage, go to the Strait, and just TAKE IT…the USA won’t be there to help you anymore…. Go get your own oil!’’

The hard part is done!

For allies accustomed to relying on U.S. leadership, often to their disadvantage, the message is unmistakable: the burden of securing energy and economic resilience may no longer be shared as it once was

The US won’t be there to help you anymore, just like you weren’t there for us. Iran, in his rhetoric, is decimated. The hard part is done. Go get your own oil. Either Trump is being practical, or he is acting out of desperation, as Trump has picked a fight in Iran that he and Israel cannot finish without destroying the region and the world’s economy. It is as if his whole purpose in starting the fight with Iran in the first place was for other reasons, to make the US Great Again at the expense of others, friends and foes alike.

Tip of the iceberg as to motivations

Helping Israel with its GREATER ISRAEL plans, seizing lands from the West Bank, and Israel expanding its territory into Lebanon. However, it seems like the world’s economy has been Trump’s target from the onset, knowing if he can destabilize markets, economic systems that functioned, it would be a way to cover for America’s debts, trying to keep the US dollar as a world currency, especially now that the mechanism of a petro-dollar has been destroyed by the US not being willing to protect its Gulf State allies that had hosted US bases.

Either Donald Trump is the most naive and stupid of presidents in US history, or he’s the most cunning and street smart in knowing how to play all ends against the middle. Not only did he likely know that the US would not suffer significantly due to its own relative energy independence, but higher prices would also mean that US energy would fill the gap.

This is why he advocated for ‘Buy American’ – and too, he may have, including family and friends, to profit from ups and downs in the stock market, which are driven by his own rhetoric and are based on the day of the week,

However, that does not say much for the plight of average working-class Americans, as they are expendable in the greater scheme of things, as much as are erstwhile allies, including the EU and the UK. They, and the rest of the world, are basically considered as collateral damage in such schemes.

Trump’s remarks should be considered less as practical policy advice and more as a stark reflection of a shifting geopolitical mindset—one that prioritizes transactional self-interest over long-standing alliances. Whether interpreted as a blunt wakeup call or a calculated provocation, the message signals a world in which traditional security guarantees and cooperative economic frameworks are eroding.

For the UK and others, the implication is not that they should literally “go and take” resources, but that reliance on global stability—once underwritten by U.S. power—can no longer be assumed. The deeper issue exposed here is the fragility of interconnected energy and financial markets and the risks of a system increasingly driven by unilateral action rather than coordination.

The US is too reckless and cannot be considered a reliable partner, not in its actions that impact Europe, nor in its decision-making. Recent actions have been instigated by the US without considering the potential fallout, i.e., how the reaction would impact its friends more than its foes, and negatively.

Not only should the UK and EU look to a new format for strategic alliances, but the world at large should start looking to a new world order. And one that cannot be held hostage by the actions of the mood swings of one aging president who is just hanging onto the tail of the bull for the ride.

Reaction and Blowback

Ultimately, the statement reflects a lack of unity among friends, uncertainty, and even fear: is this the byproduct of short-term political rhetoric or part of a deliberate strategy to reshape global order in a way that benefits U.S. leverage at the expense of collective stability? It really doesn’t matter at this point, stage of the game, as the damage is done. The consequence is the same—a more volatile, fragmented world where nations must reconsider how they secure energy, and alliances and maintain economic resilience in the absence of dependable and trusted leadership.

Delivered in the midst of heightened tensions involving Iran and disruptions to two of the world’s most critical sea chokepoints, the Red Sea and Persian Gulf. The statement should not be considered solely as literal policy guidance, but as a revealing snapshot of a broader shift in geopolitical thinking and exit strategy from the region on the part of the US. This brings to the forefront some urgent questions about the future of alliances, global energy security, and the role the United States intends to play in both.

In much of the immediate commentary, Trump’s tone has been understood as one of frustration—particularly toward European allies such as the United Kingdom and France, which refused to get involved in recent U.S. military actions.

Trump’s message appeared to draw a sharp line: countries that depend on stable oil flows but do not contribute to maintaining them should no longer expect American protection. Such an interpretation aligns with a longstanding theme in Trump’s political rhetoric, in which alliances are viewed through a transactional lens, a short-term view, rather than as enduring strategic commitments.

Beyond frustration, analysts have pointed to a more consequential signal embedded in the remarks: a potential retreat from the United States’ traditional role as guarantor of global trade routes.

For decades, U.S. naval power has underwritten the security of the Strait of Hormuz, through which a significant portion of the world’s oil supply passes. Trump’s suggestion that others should take responsibility for securing access to energy resources has been read by some as an indication that this era may be drawing to a close.

Such a shift would have far-reaching implications, forcing energy-dependent economies in Europe and Asia to reconsider their strategic posture in a more uncertain and fragmented environment.

Trump’s comments encapsulate a moment of confused transition. Whether driven by frustration, strategic calculation, or a combination of both, they point toward a world in which the assumptions underpinning global stability are increasingly in flux.

For allies accustomed to relying on U.S. leadership, often to their disadvantage, the message is unmistakable: the burden of securing energy and economic resilience may no longer be shared as it once was. The long-term consequences of that shift—both for international order and for the balance of power—are only beginning to come into full focus.

Go and Get your Own!

Trump’s challenge to “go get your own oil” may prove less a throwaway provocation than a defining signal of the times—a world where power no longer guarantees protection, alliances come with a price tag, and stability and friendship itself are negotiable. The real question is no longer whether others can secure the oil, but whether any nation can afford the cost of a system where everyone is told to fend for themselves—and where the rules of the game can change with a single mood swing post.

Jeffrey K. Silverman is a freelance journalist and international development specialist, BSc, MSc, based for 30 years in Georgia and the former Soviet

Donald Trump seeks to gain control of the world’s primary energy resources

The struggle for resources is becoming an axis of confrontation worldwide: the US-Israeli aggression against Iran further underscores the validity of this thesis, exposing the vulnerability of the Arabs.

Mohammed Amer

Some media outlets in the Global South have interpreted the start of the US-Israeli aggression against Iran – February 28, 2026 – as a rejection of the fundamental norms of international law and rules and a transition to an era of “the laws of the jungle.”

According to them, Trump’s implementation of the “America First” slogan effectively means that Washington will no longer spare its allies or friends.

American-Israeli aggression against Iran is disrupting supply chains not only for energy resources but also for fertilizers, which threatens to soar food prices

Some observers attribute the American president’s decision to launch a war with Israel against Iran to a desire to divert attention from the revelations about the pedophile James Epstein, the publication of which revealed the complicity of much of the Western elite in his criminal activities. Others are pushing the thesis that he took this reckless step under the influence of Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu and the Jewish lobby in the United States.

It’s quite possible that there’s some truth to these assertions, but if we analyze the Iranian campaign from the perspective of the US National Security Strategy, which emphasizes ensuring American dominance over resources, primarily energy, and countering the further growth of China’s power, it becomes clear that the war against Iran fits neatly into the main lines and intentions of this strategy.

First, most of Iran’s oil went to Beijing, and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz limits the ability of both China and other Asian states to obtain oil from the Arab monarchies.

Second, the United States is becoming the largest exporter of liquefied natural gas, so eliminating Qatar, the second-largest supplier of this gas to Europe and Asia, from global markets helps the Americans consolidate their dominance in energy markets.

Third, the war has led to a serious curtailment of the influence and power of the oil-exporting monarchies of the Persian Gulf – the region can no longer be considered a zone of stability and tranquility: the conclusion is that only the United States can truly ensure security for capital.

Much has been written recently about how the struggle for resources is becoming an axis of confrontation throughout the world: the American-Israeli aggression against Iran further underscores the validity of this thesis, revealing the vulnerability of the Arabs. The water issue is beginning to take on a new look, as this region of the world depends more than any other on desalination plants.

After the war ends, it will be necessary to take a fresh look at the main suppliers of energy resources, especially gas – the United States, Russia, Iran, and Qatar hold the leading reserves of this important fuel.

The possibility of a global economic crisis is becoming real

Bloomberg recently suggested that if the Strait of Hormuz remains closed for a few more weeks, the price of oil could rise to $200 per barrel. Crude oil futures for June delivery are already trading around $115 per barrel. American-Israeli aggression against Iran is disrupting supply chains not only for energy resources but also for fertilizers, which threatens to soar food prices. Simply put, the world is heading toward a serious economic crisis.

In this regard, it’s worth recalling that Donald Trump began 2026 with an attack on Venezuela, which holds the world’s largest reserves of “black gold.” On March 29, in an interview with the Financial Times, Trump stated that he would like to “take Iran’s oil, following the Venezuelan scenario.”

In an interview with French television on March 26, Sergey Lavrov openly admitted for the first time that the United States wants to acquire the Russian gas pipelines Nord Stream and Nord Stream 2. Thus, the current actions of the American administration clearly align with the strategic guidelines proclaimed at the beginning of Donald Trump’s presidential term.

It is no coincidence that some observers, albeit cautiously, are suggesting that, in order to achieve these goals, Donald Trump, if he anticipates a crushing defeat for the Republicans in the November 3rd elections, may even resort to military action against Canada to seize its oil wealth. This would allow him to postpone or even cancel the upcoming election campaign and ensure the consolidation of his sole power. To achieve this goal, the American president will try to concentrate his domestic political efforts on combating his main adversary, the Democratic Party.

It is entirely reasonable to speculate in some Israeli newspapers that Trump is already looking to the post-war era when he declares, “Iran is dead, and America’s greatest enemy is the radical left-wing, extremely incompetent Democratic Party.”

Mohammed Amer, Syrian publicist, expert on current issues of global and regional politics