How Jeffrey Epstein May Have Justified His Crimes

By Mohamad Hammoud

Sacred Privilege, Dehumanization, and the Architecture of Impunity

The conviction that a select elite operates under a different moral jurisdiction than the rest of humanity remains a chilling commonality in systemic abuse and state-sponsored violence. According to The Jerusalem Post, the late Rabbi Ovadia Yosef declared in a 2010 sermon that "goyim" were born only to "serve the people of 'Israel'." This rhetoric frames inherent superiority, suggesting non-Jewish individuals exist solely for the benefit of a perceived higher class. For a mind like Jeffrey Epstein’s, such doctrines could provide a theological shield, allowing him to view victims not as human beings with rights, but as tools for gratification.

By internalizing the belief that others exist solely for his benefit, a predator can bypass the empathy and legal constraints that govern civil society.
Dehumanization as a Prerequisite

This master-servant hierarchy finds deep roots in specific, radicalized readings of ancient texts that distinguish between the "chosen" and the "nations." As documented by the Jewish Virtual Library, the Talmudic tractate Keritot 6b interprets, "you are called 'man' [Adam], but the nations of the world are not called 'man'." While modern scholars argue over linguistic nuances, a sick-minded individual, like Epstein, seeking to justify the abuse of non-Jewish children, can read it as a literal stripping of humanity from those outside his tribe. This sense of being a different species—one that is "blessed" even in acts of predation—removes the traditional moral barriers that protect the vulnerable from harm.

The Sanctioning of Abuse

The clearest evidence of this perceived “sanctioned” behavior appears in archaic legal definitions of age and consent that place emphasis on the perpetrator rather than the victim. Scholarly commentary on Sefaria notes that Mishna Niddah 5:4 identifies “three years and one day” as a legal threshold, indicating that sexual contact before this age carries diminished legal consequence. The New York Times has reported that high-profile predators often construct “private mythologies” to neutralize guilt, and such passages can serve as intellectual cover for those distortions. When these texts are interpreted in their most radical form, a criminal may convince himself that he is acting under a separate moral code rather than committing a crime. In that framework, victims are stripped of equal standing and reduced to instruments of use.

Financial Predation as Divine Right

In fringe interpretations, financial ruthlessness can be seen as divinely sanctioned. Bava Metzia 70b permits charging interest or extra money to non-Jews while forbidding it among Jewish peers, framing this permission as a "positive mitzvah." A literal reader may therefore believe that extracting additional profit from non-Jews is religiously permissible rather than corrupt. This belief can turn exploitative financial behavior into a moral entitlement, creating a "moral bypass" in which corruption occurs without remorse.

State Violence and Elite Impunity

This ideological mechanism is observed in military operations in Gaza and Lebanon, where "Israel" utilizes extremist rhetoric to justify the deaths of thousands of children. According to the Middle East Monitor, radicalized sectors of the military and political establishment argue that non-Jewish lives are secondary to their goals. Invoking the "Amalek" narrative reflects the same mindset that shielded Epstein, where victims are deemed sub-human and therefore undeserving of mercy. This highlights systemic hypocrisy in Western nations, which claim to champion human rights while allowing elites to operate under a separate code.

Cultural permissiveness ensures predators connected to intelligence networks remain unpunished.

The Intelligence Nexus

The psychological profile of such “messianic” predators often includes reliance on intelligence ties and elite networks to avoid scrutiny. The Wall Street Journal and Times of Israel have reported on Jeffrey Epstein’s close relationship with the Israeli political establishment, including former Prime Minister Ehud Barak, a connection that afforded him an unusual degree of access and protection. This insulation from consequence can reinforce a self-image of being above ordinary moral and legal constraints. When combined with belief systems that portray certain groups as occupying a higher tier of existence, this mindset enables a profound detachment from the suffering inflicted on those deemed “goyim” or reduced to mere instruments of use. Without confronting these underlying ideologies, systemic abuse and state violence continue to be rationalized as spiritual or strategic necessities. Legal systems, rooted in universal accountability, remain poorly equipped to restrain perpetrators who believe their actions are justified by a distorted sense of divine sanction.

Iranian children’s author Ahmad Akbarpour nominated for 2026 Hans Christian Andersen Awards

TEHRAN – The International Board on Books for Young People has announced the shortlist for the 2026 Hans Christian Andersen Awards, with an Iranian author in the list.

Presented every two years, the awards honor international authors and illustrators for their contributions to children’s literature and are the highest international recognition given to creators in the field. This year, Ahmad Akbarpour from Iran is one of the six authors nominated for the awards in the authors section, ISNA reported.

The other nominees in this section include María José Ferrada from Chile, Timothée de Fombelle from France, Lee Geum-yi from the Republic of Korea, Pam Muñoz Ryan from the United States, and Michael Rosen from the United Kingdom.

In the illustrator section, there is no artist from Iran. The contenders include Beatrice Alemagna from Italy, Linda Bondestam from Finland, Cai Gao from China, Gundega Muzikante from Latvia, Walid Taher from Egypt, and María Wernicke from Argentina.

The writing award was first given in 1956, the illustration award in 1966. The former is sometimes called the Nobel Prize for children's literature.

The awards are named after Hans Christian Andersen, a 19th-century Danish author of fairy tales, and each winner receives the Hans Christian Andersen Medaille (a gold medal with the bust of Andersen) and a diploma.

Born in Fars Province, Ahmad Akbarpour, 55, is a novelist and author of short stories and children's books. He got his bachelor’s degree in psychology from Shahid Beheshti University in Tehran and his master's degree in children's literature from Shiraz University in Shiraz.

He began writing for adults before turning to children’s and young adult literature after discovering Constantin Virgil Gheorghiu’s “Twenty-Fifth Hour”. A student of Reza Barahani and Houshang Golshiri, he soon started writing fiction for adolescents, adopting a postmodern style of writing. 

Introduced to Iran’s Children’s Book Council, he submitted his first poem, and soon became one of Iran’s most celebrated authors for young readers, with over 50 books to his name. 

His short novel “That Night’s Train” (1999) received the Book of the Year award from Iran's Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance. During his career, Akbarpour discussed such topics as fear, loneliness, and peace.

In some of his works, he shows his disdain for the destructive impact of war on children. His children’s anti-war book “Good Night Commander” and “That Night’s Train,” illustrated by Isabelle Arsenault, were published in English by Groundwood Books in the U.S. and Canada in 2010 and 2012, respectively.

Known for inventive storytelling that challenges conventional narratives, Akbarpour invites readers to think critically and empathetically, weaving universal themes such as peace, friendship, and family into works like “The Giant and the Bicycle”. 

His versatility spans humor, fantasy, realism, and myth, as seen in “Good Night Commander,” “Roc Girl,” and “That Night’s Train”. He also addresses social issues, including the experiences of children with special needs or from marginalized backgrounds. His stories often collaborate closely with Iranian illustrators, enhancing their visual and emotional impact.

Translated into multiple languages, including English, German, Korean, Chinese, Turkish, Italian, Portuguese, and Arabic, and adapted into films, his works have earned recognition, including the 2024 White Ravens list (Munich), the National Children’s Literature Festival of Shiraz, and inclusion in Iran’s “Must Read and Influential Books of the Last Thirty-Three Years.” He was shortlisted for the Astrid Lindgren Memorial Award in 2023 and 2025.

The most distinguishing characteristic of his works is their humor, which makes his writings captivating and agreeable. Akbarpour, who is always on the lookout for new and different elements, is thus able to look at his subject from a different perspective in some of his works and pull the reader’s imagination along. He has also had the experience of rewriting some old legends. He conducted some research and gathered Persian satire proverbs and traditional children’s games.

Beyond writing, Akbarpour mentors emerging writers through workshops, helping shape the next generation of Iranian children’s literature. His commitment to creativity, inclusivity, and critical thinking has made him a leading voice in global children’s literature.

The shortlisted authors and illustrators for the 2026 Hans Christian Andersen Awards were chosen from a list of 78 nominations from 44 countries, on a 10-member jury led by Shereen Kreidieh, founder of Arabic children’s publishing house Dar Asala and president of the Lebanese Board of Books for Young People.

The two winners will be announced at the Bologna Children’s Book Fair on April 13. The medals will be presented at the 40th IBBY World Congress, to be held from August 6 to 9 in Ottawa, Canada.

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• Ahmad Akbarpour
 
• Hans Christian Andersen Awards
 
• International Board on Books for Young People

Trump’s call to ‘nationalize’ elections draws furious pushback

TEHRAN- President Donald Trump on Tuesday doubled down on his controversial suggestion that Republicans "nationalize" elections as he continued to make false claims of widespread voter fraud and refused to accept his 2020 defeat, ABC news reported. 

"If a state can't run an election, I think the people behind me should do something about it," Trump said as he held a bill signing in the Oval Office surrounded by Republican lawmakers. "Because, you know, if you think about it, the state is an agent for the federal government in elections. I don't know why the federal government doesn't do 'em anyway."

Trump added that, in some cases, "The federal government should get involved. These are agents of the federal government to count the votes. If they can't count the votes legally and honestly, then somebody else should take it over."

He repeated unfounded claims about the 2020 election, listing Detroit, Philadelphia, and Atlanta after raising what he alleged to be “rigged, crooked elections."

The Constitution gives states the authority to run and administer federal elections, subject to laws passed by Congress.

The White House earlier Tuesday had sought to soften Trump's similar comments from Monday -- after Republican congressional leaders poured cold water on his idea.

Democrats, too, quickly blasted his remarks, with Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer likening them to that of a dictator.

White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt on Tuesday told reporters that Trump still supports states' constitutional authority to administer elections and that he was referring to the SAVE Act when he advocated for nationalizing elections.

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• Donald Trump
 
• ‘nationalize’ elections
 
• elections
 
• U.S.

US poised to return to the negotiating table it bombed in June

 By Staff Writer 

Iranians offer Trump another chance after regional countries step in

TEHRAN – Iranians have agreed to give diplomacy with the United States another chance after at least seven regional countries urged Tehran in calls with President Masoud Pezeshkian to set aside Washington’s long record of bad faith and pursue talks.

Still, public sentiment inside Iran — combined with the content of Western media coverage — suggests that trust has eroded so deeply that even basic details about the negotiations have become a source of controversy.

On Wednesday, as Tehran marked a national holiday commemorating the return of Imam Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic, reporters from the Tehran Times spoke with residents across the capital. Few expressed optimism about the proposed talks, which reports say are expected to take place in Oman — assuming the United States does not derail them through an unexpected move in the coming hours.

“The last time we sat at the negotiating table, we got bombed in the middle of the talks,” said a man in his 40s at a food stand outside a mosque in southern Tehran. The stand appears every year on the same day, offering tea and warm drinks to passersby. “Still, I don’t think attending talks is a mistake,” he added. “It shows the region that Iran favors diplomacy. But I don’t believe a real deal with America is possible. In the end, I think Washington wants war.”

In a busy café in northern Tehran, a girl in her late teens said she had not even heard that Iran and the United States were planning to meet. “Weren’t we on the verge of another war?” she asked, referring to repeated threats made by President Donald Trump in January, when he warned of an attack on Iran while voicing support for armed elements that escalated protests between January 8 and January 14. Trump also ordered U.S. warships toward Iran and the Persian Gulf, threatening military action unless Tehran agreed to a new nuclear deal on his terms. “I don’t really have strong feelings about it,” the girl said. “I’m just glad the internet is back.”

Iran imposed sweeping internet restrictions on January 8 after armed groups took to the streets in cities across the country, attacking police stations, torching public and private property, and killing civilians and security personnel. The unrest had begun weeks earlier as peaceful protests over economic hardship caused by years of U.S. sanctions. For several days, the demonstrations remained nonviolent as the government held talks with shopkeepers and merchants — the core group of protesters — and introduced emergency economic measures to address foreign currency shortages.

The situation changed sharply after the son of Iran’s deposed shah, who has been in close contact with Israeli leaders since at least 2022, called on his “supporters” to take to the streets, following admissions by figures close to him that some of those supporters were armed. Around the same time, the Persian-language account of Israel’s Mossad posted on X that Israeli agents were “on the ground” in Iran. Leader of Iran’s Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei later described the events as resembling a “coup.” Analysts said Washington and Tel Aviv appeared to be betting that the violence would spiral beyond the government’s control, paving the way for a second military attack on Iran.

Despite a death toll of around 3,100 — including civilians, security forces, and armed assailants — the internet shutdown enabled Iranian security services to sever communications between militant cells and their handlers, primarily in Israel and, to a lesser extent, Europe. Authorities say large quantities of smuggled weapons and surveillance equipment were seized, and analysts note that the Mossad and CIA-linked networks dismantled last month had taken years to establish.

Trump ultimately shelved his attack plans after the unrest failed to produce the desired outcome and after Iranian leaders, including Ayatollah Khamenei, warned that even a limited strike would trigger a regional war.

A relationship defined by broken deals and war

Relations between Iran and the United States have been fractious since the 1979 revolution that toppled the U.S.-backed shah, but tensions have been particularly acute during Trump’s two presidencies. During his first term, Trump withdrew from the 2015 nuclear agreement, known as the JCPOA, which had imposed limits on Iran’s nuclear program in exchange for sanctions relief. He demanded that Iran dismantle its nuclear infrastructure entirely, curb its missile capabilities, and sever ties with Resistance groups — conditions Tehran rejected. The ensuing “maximum pressure” campaign devastated Iran’s economy without achieving its stated goals, culminating in a 12-day war in June 2025 that caused widespread destruction in Israeli cities and damaged the largest U.S. base in West Asia. None of Trump’s objectives — from dismantling Iran’s nuclear program to toppling the Islamic Republic — were realized. He launched that war just as a sixth round of nuclear talks was scheduled.

The upcoming negotiations are the product of sustained diplomatic efforts by Oman, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt, and Pakistan, all of which fear that another U.S.-Iran conflict would engulf the region. Iran has warned that American bases across West Asia would be targeted in any new war and that it could close the Strait of Hormuz, sending global oil prices soaring. Allied groups in Lebanon, Iraq, and Yemen have also signaled they would join the fight.

Iranian officials have made clear that the talks will be limited strictly to nuclear issues. Tehran has also ruled out dismantling its nuclear program. Analysts, however, believe Iran could still agree to commitments that exceed those made under the JCPOA. At the same time, officials say Iran will remain prepared for war even as negotiations proceed.

Western media focus on process, not substance

Western media coverage of the talks has already underscored how fragile the process remains. Outlets have focused intensely on procedural details — particularly the location of the talks — despite the fact that nearly every regional actor, except Israel, is pressing for a diplomatic outcome. Reports have highlighted supposed Iranian demands to move the venue from Turkey to Oman, even though Tehran maintains close ties with both countries and Oman has long served as the primary mediator, including during the JCPOA negotiations. Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi thanked Turkish and other regional diplomats during phone calls held on Tuesday. Tehran has also left open the possibility of holding future rounds elsewhere.

What is clear, however, is that Europe no longer plays a meaningful role. Despite being original signatories to the JCPOA, Germany, Britain, and France have had no recent contact with either Araghchi or President Pezeshkian. According to a source familiar with the leadership’s thinking, Tehran now views the three countries as obstacles rather than intermediaries.

That perception hardened in August, when European governments reinstated pre-JCPOA United Nations sanctions at Washington’s request and backed U.S.-Israeli attacks on Iran, while imposing additional sanctions of their own — despite having remained formal signatories to the nuclear deal until its expiration last October. 

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• Iran
 
• U.S.
 
• Donald Trump
 
• war
 
• Masoud Pezeshkian
 
• Mossad
 
• CIA
 
• Abbas Araghchi
 
• Turkey
 
• pre-JCPOA
 
• Sanctions

Hakim: The 'collective Jihad' fatwa was a turning point in contemporary Iraqi history

TEHRAN- Ammar Hakim, the leader of the National Wisdom Movement in Iraq, stated that the fatwa of "collective jihad-duty," issued by the Shia Marja, marks a decisive moment in contemporary Iraqi history; a fatwa that succeeded in restoring balance and protecting the country amidst immense pain and suffering.

Hakim emphasized that the response and solidarity of Iraqis with this fatwa manifested their national responsibility, as Iraqis rose to meet this significant challenge, writing a brilliant chapter of sacrifice and devotion in the history of their nation.

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• collective Jihad
 
• Ammar al-Hakim
 
• Iraq

From Jamkaran to the Square: Mahdism as an Act of Resistance

By Hassan Reza Sharara

Jamkaran Mosque stands on the outskirts of the city of Qom—not merely as a piece of architecture, but as a living marker in the conscience of every Muslim. It embodies the meaning of waiting and calls forth hope in a continually renewed divine promise. It is a mosque whose presence has settled into the collective memory as a place where supplication meets hope, and action meets watchful anticipation.

The story of the mosque’s founding goes back to the late fourth century AH. Historical accounts relate that Hassan ibn Muthla al-Jamkarani saw Imam Al-Mahdi [may God hasten his noble reappearance] one night during the month of Ramadan, and that the Imam instructed him to build a mosque at a specific spot in the village of Jamkaran. From that moment on, the mosque grew and expanded, becoming a weekly destination for thousands of visitors, especially on Wednesday nights, when hands are raised in prayer, Du’a al-Tawassul is recited, and the covenant of allegiance to the absent-yet-present Imam is renewed. Here, the believer does not stop at hope alone but renews a commitment to responsibility and duty: a form of waiting that reforms rather than paralyzes, that mobilizes rather than numbs.

Jamkaran’s significance extends beyond place into meaning. It is a symbol of the continuity of connection with the Imam—peace be upon him—and an affirmation that occultation is not absence, but a different mode of presence. In Jamkaran, the visitor learns that waiting is not an empty stretch of time but a project of preparation and construction: self-purification, justice in conduct and steadfastness on the path of truth and reality.

For this reason, Jamkaran Mosque has taken deep root in the Shiite conscience, renewed in every generation, reminding believers that the promise still stands and that the meeting—however delayed—remains possible, so long as the heart stays awake and action sincere. In an age when trials multiply and tyrants close in on the oppressed, Jamkaran remains a witness to the truth that hope itself is an act of worship and that waiting is a stance.

Along this path of active, not static, waiting, and in the heart of the holy city of Qom, the Baqi’ portico of Jamkaran Mosque hosted the 21st International Conference on the Doctrine of Mahdism, titled “Mahdism and Knowing the Enemy (the Jewish–Zionist Enemy).” The conference sought to frame waiting as a conscious commitment and responsibility, not mere anticipation. Its slogan was striking in its symbolism: “Mahdist Waiting: Haydar’s Dhu al-Fiqar Drawn Against the Jews of Khaybar,” underscoring that Mahdist culture is not an isolated metaphysical discourse but a historically grounded, resistance-oriented awareness—clear-sighted in identifying the enemy and perpetually prepared to confront injustice until the dawn of the divine promise breaks.

Grand Ayatollah Sheikh Nasser Makarem Shirazi addressed the conference with a message in which he stressed that, while belief in the appearance of a savior is shared across religions, within the school of Ahl Al-Bayt (peace be upon them), it constitutes a foundational doctrine tied to the continuity of the Imamate and the necessity of the Imam’s presence to guide humanity. He emphasized that the injustice and chaos engulfing the world today, especially the crimes of the Zionist entity and its backers, highlight the urgent need to cultivate the “true awaiter”: one grounded in faith in supreme divine power, equipped with knowledge of the enemy and its schemes, and capable of thwarting efforts to erase the culture of waiting. He concluded with a prayer for Iran’s security and endurance as a base for lovers and awaiters until the reappearance.

Likewise, the director of the Islamic seminaries, Ayatollah Sheikh Alireza Arafi, affirmed that the Islamic world today is in need of a “resistant Mahdism” and a “pioneering form of waiting”, a waiting that combines global appeal with the capacity to generate resistance against arrogance and Zionism. He clarified that true waiting is not an individual affair but one with social, historical, and civilizational dimensions. He warned against three deviant readings of the end of history: Zionist-Jewish, Zionist-Christian, and materialist-liberal interpretations, explaining how they intersect in producing a global system that sustains injustice. He also outlined three core missions of Mahdism: a rational, globally intelligible presentation; a scholarly critique of deviant alternatives; and an active presence in the field.

Ayatollah Sheikh Mohsen Araki, a member of the presidium of teachers at the Qom seminary, spoke about the divine laws governing history, affirming the inevitability of the historical trajectory culminating in the realization of global justice under the leadership of Imam al-Mahdi (may God hasten his reappearance). He explained the laws of the “withdrawal of blessings” and “replacement,” warning against breaking the covenant and noting that the struggle between the “covenant-breakers” and the “faithful community” will continue until the reappearance.

This edition of the “Doctrine of Mahdism” conference also honored 17 figures recognized as “Supporters of the Mahdi” across various fields and unveiled nine specialized journals dedicated to Mahdist studies. The event concluded with the launch of two books—A Study and Analysis of Narrations on the Reasons for the Occultation of the Twelfth Imam and The Condition of Sins and Sinners under the Mahdist Government—alongside seven peer-reviewed quarterly journals in Mahdist sciences and research.

Thus, Jamkaran Mosque does not remain merely a destination for worship, nor is Mahdism reduced to a deferred idea postponed to the end of time. Rather, the place reveals itself as a living school—one that redefines waiting as awareness, position, and historical responsibility. From Jamkaran, it becomes clear that prayer without insight is deficient, hope without action is illusion, and true waiting is that which matures the human being, hardens one’s stance, and keeps the compass fixed on justice no matter how dense the darkness.

In a time when projects of domination intertwine and consciousness is reshaped to justify injustice, the discourse of resistant Mahdism rises to declare that the future does not belong to those with superior weaponry, but to those with truer faith and firmer resolve. Here, waiting becomes constant readiness; knowing the enemy becomes part of worship; and hope turns into an act of resistance rather than a retreat from reality.

From Qom, and from Jamkaran in particular, the old yet ever-renewed call resounds: the divine promise stands firm; occultation is a test, not an absence; and dawn is not born suddenly but forged in conscious hearts, discerning minds, and hands that work quietly and steadfastly. Between prayer and action, between awareness and patience, the awaiters move forward—not to count the days, but to create meaning, until the moment of encounter arrives.

Epstein Files Reveal a Sex Predator in the White House Compromised by Intelligence

By Mohamad Hammoud

From Private Islands to the White House: A Web of Influence and Exploitation

On January 30, 2026, the DOJ released over three million pages alleging that Jeffrey Epstein ran a global ‘honey trap’ operation, confirming long-standing suspicions by journalists and intelligence officials that he acted as a Mossad asset with elite access, wealth, and immunity.

Central to these allegations is Epstein’s private island, described as a surveillance trap. Hidden cameras were reportedly placed throughout, including bedrooms and bathrooms, to record influential visitors in compromising positions. Those recordings allegedly ensured submission to Epstein’s interests or those of his handlers, solidifying his control over elite networks.

Trump’s Dark History Uncovered in Epstein Documents

American media reports indicate Trump’s name appears more than 45,000 times in the files, placing him deep within Epstein’s social and operational circle. The Guardian reported Epstein claimed he introduced Trump to Melania, contradicting the public account that they met at a nightclub in 1998.

However, these allegations extend beyond mere social connections. FBI memoranda obtained by The Associated Press describe a survivor who was allegedly presented as “available” for Trump at Epstein’s residence. The memo recounts a graphic encounter in which she resisted as he forced her toward his exposed private parts. She reportedly bit him, after which he allegedly punched her and removed her.

These claims echo a broader history predating the Epstein files. In 2016, a lawsuit filed under the name “Katie Johnson” alleged that Trump and Epstein raped her in 1994, when she was 13. After receiving death threats, she withdrew the lawsuit, highlighting how fear and intimidation were used to silence accusers.

Sexual Predator Pattern and Lawsuits

Taken together, these allegations suggest a long-standing pattern rather than isolated incidents. According to The New York Times, at least 28 women have publicly accused Trump of sexual assault, rape, groping, or predatory behavior spanning decades. Multiple women pursued legal action, reinforcing that these accusations reflect real patterns rather than political attacks.

The most consequential case involved E. Jean Carroll, who won a civil judgment against Trump for sexual abuse and defamation. That verdict legally confirmed what the Epstein files imply: Trump’s conduct reflects a consistent pattern, protected not by innocence but by power.

The Elite Sexual Predators

Trump is not the only figure implicated. The Epstein files reveal a broader network of political and financial elites moving through Epstein’s orbit with apparent impunity, including Bill Barr, Bill Clinton, Tom Barrack, Bill Gates and Elon Musk.

Emails reportedly show Epstein urging Barrack to “send photos of you and child.” In addition to these communications, court documents also revisit claims that Bill Clinton visited Epstein’s island multiple times, despite his public denials. Similarly, Gates reportedly asked Epstein for help concealing a sexually transmitted disease from his then-wife after encounters with “Russian girls.”

Other communications are equally alarming. Emails show Musk discussing parties with Epstein and asking about the wildest nights on the island. Additionally, messages allegedly include Kimbal Musk thanking Epstein for “one of his girls” and promising not to harm her. These disturbing details are consistent with the broader evidence from the files, which suggests that raping and torturing young girls was common on Epstein’s island. This consistency is further underscored by journalistic reports that highlight how emails reference the “training” or “torturing” of victims to enforce obedience. In turn, criminology experts affirm that such tactics are indeed employed to maintain submission and control, reinforcing the patterns observed.

Ultimately, analysts argue that these revelations shed light on why figures like Gates and Musk showed deference toward “Israel,” and Microsoft’s involvement in “Israeli” surveillance of Palestinians only strengthens the speculation that powerful individuals remain vulnerable to kompromat while protected by wealth and influence.

Conclusion

Ultimately, the Epstein files expose a system in which the law does not apply equally. Epstein previously received little more than a slap on the wrist for crimes normally warranting decades in prison. When arrested again, he ended up dead, with the official narrative insisting on suicide despite missing surveillance footage and allegedly inattentive guards.

The question now is whether Americans will confront what these files suggest about Donald Trump: that he is a sexual predator, deeply corrupt and driven by a “Trump First” agenda rather than the country’s interests. Critics argue that this agenda has translated into putting “Israel” first in exchange for silence and protection. The Epstein files make clear that in the United States, power—not justice—continues to determine accountability.