Sunday, October 18, 2026

French protests reflect complete distrust of government, failure of neoliberalism: Analyst

A French lawyer links the widening student protests to education cuts, rising living costs and growing distrust of the government, warning that mounting social tensions could fuel a broader crisis across France and Europe.

By Press TV Website Staff

A French lawyer says the ongoing student protests in France reflect a deeper crisis of confidence among young people, as demonstrations increasingly converge with wider public anger over the simmering cost of living crisis in the country.

Speaking to the Press TV website, lawyer and international consultant Arnaud Develay said the French youth have lost their vision for the future amid the failure of the Emmanuel Macron government.

“The fundamental grievances underpinning the current protests relate to the ever-increasing cuts in the education budget. This in turn has morphed into a wider range of demands which, taken together, express a complete distrust of the government on its ability to provide the youth with reasons to adhere to any kind of vision for the future,” Develay said.

The movement began on September 17 at a high school in Créteil, southeast of Paris, where teachers protested staff shortages and inadequate resources before students joined them.

It subsequently spread across France, with students demanding more teachers, smaller classes, safer school buildings and more equal educational opportunities.

By early October, the mobilization had drawn teachers, parents, university students and trade unionists into demonstrations that extended beyond school funding. Concerns over police conduct and the treatment of young protesters also became central to the unrest.

Develay said the education crisis affected the public school system broadly, while private and religious institutions were less exposed to budget cuts, despite remaining subject to state-imposed curricula.

He also linked young people's frustration to the economic consequences of the COVID-19 period and subsequent government spending. He said young people had been asked to sacrifice two years of their lives between 2020 and 2022, only to see public debt rise sharply, which he attributed to spending on experimental vaccines and the transfer of 70 billion euros to the “corrupt regime in Kiev.”

Beyond education, Develay identified housing, employment and demographic changes as major structural sources of discontent among French youth.

“The problem is structural. France is a country where all the real estate is mostly in the hands of people born in the postwar period. Speculation has been out of control for the better part of the last 40 years while construction has lagged behind,” he said.

The lawyer added that France's population had increased by 20% over the same period, while deindustrialization had contributed to persistent unemployment. Develay also noted that mass immigration had been used as a policy tool to depress wages and weaken working-class consciousness.

The combined effect, he said, was “a neo liberal jungle where young people are deprived of the opportunities enjoyed by their parents and grandparents.”

The cost-of-living crisis has further widened the protests' appeal. Rising housing, food, transport and energy costs have intensified concerns about whether young people can secure an independent and financially stable future.

The unrest has also acquired a broader political dimension. On Saturday, protests against high prices took place in Paris and other French cities, with a brutal police crackdown and hundreds of arrests.

Tens of thousands marched through parts of the capital, while demonstrations in Lyon, Marseille and Lille included confrontations with heavily armed police. More than 130 people were arrested in Paris.

The demonstrations brought together overlapping grievances over purchasing power, inequality and police conduct. The Yellow Vest movement, which emerged in 2018 over planned fuel tax increases, has called for joint demonstrations involving its supporters and young people.

The wider mobilization suggests that anger over the education crisis is increasingly intersecting with discontent among other sections of French society.

For Develay, this reflects a crisis extending well beyond France's borders.

“Neoliberalism has wreaked havoc in the West. The elites have essentially abandoned their citizens in pursuit of wealth on the world markets,” he told the Press TV website.

While the immediate triggers vary between countries, Develay said that the underlying pressures are similar. “Domestically, the triggering might differ from country to country, but essentially the trends are the same everywhere.”

The spread of student protests to neighboring European countries, including Belgium, has added to questions about whether France's unrest could form part of a broader European movement driven by shared economic and educational pressures.

However, the protests in different countries also reflect their own national circumstances.

Looking ahead, Develay offered a bleak assessment of the implications for political stability and social cohesion. He warned that continued tensions could lead governments to adopt increasingly restrictive responses, while violence could intensify.

“Violence will increase, and only authoritarian rule will prevent Western countries from dissolving into utter chaos,” he said.

He also raised the possibility that an international conflict could be used to divert public attention and deflect blame from domestic problems.

“Another likely scenario is the start of an international conflict to deflect blame. We are already seeing the discourse being put in motion.”

US midterm elections: Trump’s wars, rising costs and voter backlash threaten Republican control of US Congress

The November 2026 US midterms could weaken Trump’s presidential powers as economic dissatisfaction, unpopular wars abroad, and declining minority support threaten Republican control of Congress and intensify Democratic oversight.

By Ali Zeraatpisheh

The US midterm elections on November 3, 2026, will determine whether President Donald Trump can continue relying on a Republican-controlled Congress or face a Democratic majority with the power to block his agenda, investigate his administration and challenge his spending priorities.

All 435 seats in the House of Representatives and 35 Senate seats are up for grabs in a decisive electoral battle at a very critical juncture in the country's history, alongside 36 governorships.

Republicans hold a narrow House majority and a 53–47 advantage in the Senate, where Democrats need a net gain of four seats to take control.

The latest national polling points to a difficult political environment for Trump. A Pew Research Center survey conducted from September 28 to October 4 found that only 30% of Americans approved of his performance, while 68% disapproved.

Among registered voters, 44% viewed their congressional vote as a vote against Trump, compared with just 19% who saw it as a vote for him. Democratic supporters were also more engaged and motivated to vote than their Republican counterparts.

Economic dissatisfaction adds to the pressure. A Harris Poll conducted from September 24 to October 3 found that 61% of Americans believed the country was effectively in a recession.

Rising grocery and fuel costs were among the leading concerns, while the unprovoked and illegal war against Iran has added pressure to global energy prices.

The election therefore presents Trump with more than a test of Republican campaign strength. It will measure whether his administration can retain congressional support amid historically low approval ratings, economic frustration and public opposition to the war against Iran, or whether voters will give his opponents greater power to challenge his presidency.

US President Donald Trump arrives for a campaign rally at Dalton Municipal Airport in Dalton, Georgia, on October 16, 2026
Which Senate races put Republicans on the defensive?

Republicans are facing competitive Senate races in several states Trump carried in 2024, including Alaska, Kansas, Iowa, Ohio and Texas.

Democratic challengers have drawn within a few percentage points of Republican candidates in several contests, while Republican campaign groups are redirecting money to defend vulnerable seats.

The pressure is significant because Democrats need to flip only a small number of Republican-held seats to change control of the chamber, putting the GOP’s Senate majority at risk across states that backed Trump.

In Alaska, former Democratic Representative Mary Peltola is challenging Republican Senator Dan Sullivan, who is seeking a third term. Trump carried the state by 13.1 percentage points in 2024, yet polling averages for September 14-October 10 placed Peltola at 48.8% and Sullivan at 47.4%.

An October 9-10 survey put Peltola ahead by two points, making the race competitive enough to draw Trump to Wasilla on October 13 to rally support for Sullivan.

Phenomenally high energy costs and severe voter dissatisfaction have made the contest more difficult for Republicans than the state’s presidential voting history would suggest.

Kansas presents another challenge. Republican Senator Roger Marshall is seeking reelection against Democrat Adam Hamilton, a pastor who has received support from two former Republican governors.

A polling average published on October 14 put both candidates at approximately 46%, with Libertarian David Graham at about 4%.

Kansas has not elected a Democrat to the Senate in more than 90 years. A contest this close in such a traditionally Republican state puts pressure on the GOP to defend a seat it would normally expect to retain.

In Iowa, Republican Ashley Hinson and Democrat Josh Turek are competing for an open Senate seat after Republican Senator Joni Ernst decided not to seek reelection. The race is among those drawing Republican resources as the party tries to protect its Senate position.

Iowa voted for Trump by a double-digit margin in 2024, yet the Senate contest has become competitive, underscoring the limits of relying on presidential results to secure down-ballot victories.

Ohio is also on the Republican defensive map. Democrat Sherrod Brown is challenging Republican Jon Husted in a special election, with recent polling showing Brown competitive despite Ohio’s support for Trump in 2024.

The contest has attracted heavy outside spending, and Republican-aligned groups are devoting substantial resources to protecting the seat. A Democratic victory would allow the party to take a Republican-held seat in a state that has moved toward Republicans in recent presidential elections.

In Texas, Democrat James Talarico is challenging Republican Ken Paxton. A University of Texas survey conducted from September 25 to October 5 put Talarico ahead, 50% to 47%.

Texas has not elected a Democrat to statewide office since 1994, and Trump carried it by roughly 14 points in 2024. A close Senate contest there puts Republican dominance under renewed pressure.

Republicans must also defend seats in states that have recently favored Democrats in presidential elections. In Maine, Democrat Troy Jackson led Republican Senator Susan Collins, 50% to 46%, in a poll conducted from September 30 to October 5.

In New Hampshire, Democrat Chris Pappas is challenging Republican John Sununu for an open seat, with recent surveys showing Pappas ahead. In Georgia, Democratic Senator Jon Ossoff has maintained polling and fundraising advantages over Republican challenger Mike Collins.

In North Carolina, Democrat Roy Cooper is competing against Republican Michael Whatley for an open seat. Michigan, meanwhile, has emerged as a closely watched contest between Democrat Abdul El-Sayed and Republican Mike Rogers.

Together, these races expose the breadth of the challenge facing Republicans. Democratic challengers are polling competitively in states Trump carried.

Republican groups are shifting resources toward defending seats rather than concentrating solely on expanding their majority.

The GOP must now fight to protect its Senate position across multiple fronts, including states where its recent presidential victories might have suggested a more secure position.

A protester carrying an effigy of Trump wearing a crown at an August 2026 voting-rights rally.
Where could Republicans lose House seats?

Republicans are increasingly at risk of losing control of the House, as per polls, with Democratic gains potentially extending well beyond the usual battleground districts.

The latest assessment from the Cook Political Report projects that Democrats could gain between nine and 19 seats, enough to take the majority.

On October 9, 18 House race ratings shifted in Democrats’ favor, including four Republican-held seats moving from toss-ups to races in which Democrats are favored. Heavy Republican advertising has so far failed to reverse the trend.

New York Republican Mike Lawler is among the party’s most exposed incumbents. His district backed Kamala Harris in 2024, leaving him particularly vulnerable in an election increasingly shaped by dissatisfaction with Trump.

Democratic challenger Cait Conley has benefited from greater spending by her party, although Lawler retains a substantial cash advantage.

In Iowa, Republican Mariannette Miller-Meeks faces Democrat Christina Bohannan in a rematch that has become a major Democratic target. Pennsylvania and Washington also offer opportunities, with several contests shifting toward Democrats in the latest ratings.

In North Carolina, Democrat Don Davis must defend his seat after Republican gerrymandering made his district more favorable to the GOP.

Republicans also face risks in Texas, where redrawn congressional gerrymandering intended to strengthen the party could fail to prevent Democratic gains.

Three South Texas districts are among the targets, including seats held by Democrats Vicente Gonzalez and Henry Cuellar. In Ohio, Republican Max Miller faces a more difficult contest than the party had anticipated.

In Colorado’s 5th Congressional District, Democrat and Army veteran Jessica Killin is challenging Republican Jeff Crank in a district Trump won by nine points in 2024. Similar efforts are underway in Virginia, Florida and South Carolina.

Republican campaign groups are meanwhile shifting money away from some battlegrounds to protect incumbents elsewhere, forcing the party to choose which seats to defend as the list of vulnerable districts grows.

If the projected Democratic gains materialize, Republicans could lose the House despite their efforts to redraw districts and pour money into competitive races.

US President Donald Trump speaks at the Republican National Midterm Convention in Dallas, Texas, September 9, 2026,

How do Black, Hispanic and Muslim voters count? 

Black, Hispanic and Muslim voters could prove decisive in closely contested House and Senate races, particularly if dissatisfaction with Trump’s policies drives higher Democratic turnout.

Trump’s gains among some minority voters in 2024 had raised Republican hopes of building a broader electoral coalition, but recent polling points to a weakening of that support.

A Pew Research Center survey conducted from September 28 to October 4 found that 70% of Black registered voters supported Democratic House candidates, compared with just 7% who backed Republicans.

Black voters could also influence races in states such as Michigan and Georgia. In Michigan, a September poll found that 83% of likely Black voters wanted Democrats to control the Senate.

Among Hispanic voters, Democrats led Republicans by 51% to 24%, pointing to a challenge for Republicans as they try to retain minority voters who helped Trump improve his performance in 2024.

Immigration enforcement is a particular vulnerability among Hispanic voters. Sweeping deportation policies have unsettled some voters who supported Trump’s pledge to control illegal immigration but oppose how his administration has carried out the crackdown.

In Texas, where Republicans redrew congressional districts to improve their electoral position, declining support for Trump among Latino voters could weaken that strategy and give Democrats an opportunity to dislodge Republicans completely.

Muslim and Arab American voters could prove particularly consequential in Michigan, where opposition to the US-Israeli war against Iran and anger over Washington’s support for Israeli genocidal war in Gaza remain politically sensitive issues.

Trump’s decision to wage war on Iran also puts his promise to avoid new wars under pressure. Candidates opposing US military interventions abroad and continued support for Israel may appeal to voters who believe both major parties have failed to reflect their views on the Israeli genocide in Gaza.

Palestinian children walk amid the rubble of buildings destroyed during Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza, Gaza City, Palestine, October 7, 2026.
How the war on Iran and Gaza genocide shape the midterms?

Trump’s dastardly war on Iran has imposed measurable economic costs on American households. In September 2026, US gasoline prices jumped 9.1% in a single month, while consumer inflation rose to 3.7% year-on-year, up from 3.4% in August.

Higher diesel prices also threaten to drive up the cost of transporting goods and delivering products to supermarkets. These increases came just weeks before the November 3 midterms, putting further pressure on the administration’s economic record.

The disruption extends far beyond American petrol stations. The Strait of Hormuz, which carried roughly one-fifth of global oil supplies before the war, has faced repeated shipping disruptions.

On October 8, Brent crude settled at $104.28 a barrel, while US West Texas Intermediate reached $91.49. Higher oil prices and tanker transport costs have added to the financial burden on businesses and consumers.

Trump’s handling of Israel presents a separate political challenge. His continued support for the regime amid its genocidal war on Gaza has drawn growing condemnation.

A Chicago Council on Global Affairs survey published on October 5 found that American views of Israel had fallen to their lowest level in the organization’s polling since 1978. Majorities of Democrats and independents favored reducing or ending US military assistance to Israel.

A Pew Research Center survey published in April found that 60% of Americans held an unfavorable view of Israel, while 55% lacked confidence in Trump’s ability to make good decisions on US-Israeli relations.

Among Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents, 80% viewed Israel unfavorably, pointing to a political problem that extends well beyond Arab American and Muslim voters.

Trump must defend both his decision to wage an illegal and unprovoked war on Iran and his administration’s continued support for Israel, while Democrats face pressure from voters demanding a change in US policy toward Gaza.

Protesters gather outside the White House to condemn US airstrikes on Iranian nuclear facilities, Washington, Distinct of Columbia, US, June 22, 2025.
What would losing Congress mean for Trump?

Losing control of either chamber would leave Trump facing a hostile Congress during the final two years of his presidency, threatening his domestic agenda, his war on Iran and his support for Israel.

A Democratic-controlled House could launch investigations into the administration’s decisions, demand documents, summon officials to testify and scrutinize the president’s use of executive power.

Committee hearings and subpoenas could keep damaging questions about his administration in the headlines, forcing Republicans to defend the White House rather than advance their own agenda.

The consequences could be particularly significant for the war on Iran. Congress has already challenged Trump’s authority to continue the aggression without its approval.

In June, both chambers passed a war powers resolution directing the removal of US forces from from the war, but Trump refused to comply and the measure did not end the fighting.

A Democratic-controlled House could intensify hearings on the war’s objectives, financial costs, casualties and legal basis, while using budget negotiations to push for restrictions on further military offensives.

Congress could also scrutinize the administration’s strategy for the Strait of Hormuz and any future negotiations with Tehran.

Trump’s policy toward Israel could face similar scrutiny. Democratic lawmakers critical of continued US military support could push for votes on arms transfers, conditions on military aid and greater oversight of Israel’s genocidal conduct in Gaza.

Congressional hearings and votes could expose divisions within both parties, making it harder for the administration to maintain its current approach without sustained political pressure.

A Democratic House could also block parts of Trump’s legislative agenda and turn congressional oversight into a central political battle ahead of the 2028 presidential election.

If Democrats capture the Senate as well, they would gain additional leverage over legislation and nominations. Democrats have already discussed investigations into Trump’s business dealings, the expansion of his family’s commercial interests, government contracts, corporate donations and the administration’s use of federal power.

Control of congressional committees would give Democrats subpoena authority, investigative budgets and the ability to hold public hearings.

Iran FM urges OIC to strengthen Islamic solidarity, address common challenges

Speech by Seyed Abbas Araghchi, Foreign Minister of the Islamic Republic of Iran, at the 52nd Session of the Council of Foreign Ministers of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (Baghdad, Republic of Iraq, October 17–18, 2026)
In the name of Allah, the most compassionate, the most merciful.
His Excellency Mr. Fuad Mohammed Hussein, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Iraq,
his excellency Mr. Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed, Secretary-General of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation,
Your Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
At the outset, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the government and people of the Republic of Iraq, our neighbor and brother, for hosting this meeting of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and for their warm hospitality. I congratulate His Excellency Mr. Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed on his appointment as the new Secretary-General of the Organization and wish him every success. I also appreciate the Republic of Türkiye for all its efforts during its successful chairmanship of the OIC Council of Foreign Ministers. I further thank the Secretary-General and the Organization’s Secretariat for planning and preparing this meeting.
We are pleased to gather in a land that has long served as a crossroads of civilizations, at a time when unity and dialogue are more necessary than ever in the Islamic world. The Organization of Islamic Cooperation was established to provide a common voice for the Islamic Ummah, strengthen solidarity and cooperation, and defend our shared interests. Keeping channels of dialogue open among us is not a sign of weakness; it is a responsibility.
The Charter of our Organization is founded on principles that reflect those of the United Nations Charter: sovereign equality, territorial integrity, non-interference in internal affairs, the peaceful settlement of disputes, and refraining from the threat or use of force. These principles do not belong to any particular country or group of countries. They protect us all, but they lose their value when applied selectively.
Iran has remained firmly committed to international law, the United Nations Charter, and diplomacy. Over the past two years, we have continued to pursue diplomacy. The United States chose the opposite path: aggression, threats, assassinations, and economic warfare, in flagrant disregard for international law and the United Nations Charter.
Approximately 5,000 people, including hundreds of women and children, were killed during the U.S.-Israeli military aggression. The United States and the Zionist regime flagrantly violated international law by assassinating Iran’s Supreme Leader and other senior political and military officials.
The deaths of more than 160 students and teachers in Minab, the cluster-bomb attack on a sports stadium in Lamerd, the bom*bing of a desalination plant on Qeshm Island, and the atta/ck on a wedding ceremony in Kuhestak, Sirik, were just some of the documented examples of U.S.-Israeli war crimes against Iran.
The United States and the Zionist regime cannot conceal these crimes by distorting the truth and portraying the victims as aggressors. I thank the member states that expressed solidarity with the Iranian people during these difficult days, and I call on the entire Organization to take a firm stand against attacks on the sovereignty and territorial integrity of one of its founding members.
Iran defended its people, sovereignty, and legitimate interests, and will continue to do so by every means available. We never attacked our neighbors; however, we attacked and destroyed U.S. military bases and facilities bases and facilities that, unfortunately, are located in our neighboring countries. Nevertheless, there is no contradiction between defending our rights and pursuing peace. We understand the cost of war, and that is precisely why we value peace.
Iran is not seeking any special treatment. We seek only the equal application of rights and responsibilities to everyone. This issue will not be resolved on the battlefield. Peace cannot be built through threats of annihilation.
Iran is also committed to safe and secure navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, a waterway vital to the energy supplies and trade of many of our member states. Until February 28, 2026, the strait was completely open and secure.
The insecurity and disruption to maritime navigation since then have been the direct result of the aggressive actions of the United States and the Israeli regime. Security cannot be restored by repeating previous mistakes and crimes. A country cannot be bom*bed, threatened with annihilation, and subjected to a blockade, and then be expected to allow maritime security to return to normal.

Iran’s Saman space tug advances liquid-fuel technology, eyeing satellite constellations and higher orbits

Iran is expanding its Saman orbital transfer program with liquid-fuel propulsion, aiming to improve satellite deployment, enable constellation operations, reach higher orbits, and strengthen its domestic space capabilities.

By Ivan Kesic

On October 3, 2026, Nader Makari, acting head of the Iranian Space Research Center (ISRC), announced a significant milestone in Iran’s space program: the launch of liquid-fuel propulsion development for the Saman series of orbital transfer blocks, alongside continued advances in the solid-fuel Saman-1 system.

The announcement signals more than a routine engineering upgrade. It points to Iran’s strategic transition toward satellite constellation deployment and more sustained access to higher orbits, including geostationary orbit at an altitude of approximately 36,000 kilometers.

Having demonstrated orbital transfer capabilities during the December 2024 Simorgh launch, the Saman program is now broadening its technological foundation to meet the increasingly complex demands of modern space missions.

Understanding the orbital transfer block

To appreciate the significance of the Saman program, it is first necessary to understand the role of an orbital transfer block within a space mission’s architecture.

Launch vehicles are designed to overcome Earth’s gravity and traverse the atmosphere, generating the enormous thrust required to carry payloads into space. However, their substantial structural mass and powerful engines make them less efficient for performing precise in-space maneuvers or transferring payloads to distant orbits.

An orbital transfer block, commonly known internationally as a space tug or kick stage, is a spacecraft that transports a satellite from its initial deployment or parking orbit to its intended operational orbit.

Such systems typically feature lightweight structures, independent navigation and attitude-control systems, and propulsion systems optimized for operation in the vacuum of space.

The Saman-1 marks Iran’s entry into this specialized area of space engineering. It is designed to bridge the gap between the capabilities of launch vehicles optimized for low Earth orbit and Iran’s growing need to deploy satellites into medium and higher orbits.

Saman-1 orbital transfer block, unveiled in 2020

Saman-1: Architecture and demonstrated capabilities

The Saman-1 space tug began its development around 2015 and was first unveiled in February 2017 on the occasion of National Space Technology Day.

In its initial configuration, the system weighs approximately 240 kilograms when fully fueled, with an empty mass of 55 kilograms and a propellant mass of 185 kilograms.

The system utilizes the Arash-24 solid fuel motor as its primary propulsion unit, capable of producing 1,300 kilograms of thrust during its 40-second burn time.

The Saman-1 begins its operation in a circular orbit with a 55-degree inclination and is designed to deliver payloads to an elliptical orbit with perigees and apogees ranging from 400 to 7,000 kilometers, respectively, with a 58-degree inclination.

For its first mission, the system was tasked with lifting a 100-kilogram satellite from a 400-kilometer circular parking orbit to an elliptical orbit with an apogee of 700 kilometers and a perigee of 400 kilometers.

Several new subsystems were designed and manufactured specifically for the Saman-1, including a complete and independent navigation and control system, a solid-fueled propulsion system made from titanium to reduce weight, cold gas thrusters, a power system, and a flight computer.

The ground segment of the Saman program includes telecom command and telemetry stations in the UHF and HF bands, with four ground stations located in Tabriz, Mahshahr, Mashhad, and Qeshm.

Successful launch of December 2024

After successful suborbital tests in June 2021 and October 2022, the Saman-1 achieved a major milestone on December 6, 2024, when the Simorgh satellite carrier successfully launched it into space along with the Fakhr-1 satellite and another research payload.

This launch broke Iran's record for the heaviest space payload injection, with the combined mass of the three instruments totaling 300 kilograms.

The payloads were placed in a low Earth orbit with an apogee of 410 kilometers and a perigee of 300 kilometers, and the performance of the Saman-1's subsystems in orbit was successfully tested.

The Iranian Space Agency (ISA) confirmed that initial tests indicated the full health of the space tug's various subsystems, and a two-way communication line was established to begin testing the rotary and main propellers.

This successful demonstration validated the multi-payload launch capability of the Simorgh carrier and established the Saman-1 as a reliable orbital transfer system for future missions.

Simorgh satellite carrier launch on December 6, 2024
Strategic shift to liquid propulsion

The core of the October 2026 announcement is the recognition that previous orbital transfer systems, while proven, require expansion to meet the demands of new missions.

The statement that liquid fuel activities have begun in the Saman satellite projects represents a fundamental change in Iran's space doctrine.

To understand the significance of this transition, it is necessary to examine the physical and operational differences between solid and liquid propulsion.

In solid fuel technology, the fuel and oxidizer are combined into a single chemical compound and molded into a housing. These engines offer simplicity of construction, long-term maintainability, and enormous thrust generation relative to their weight and size.

However, the use of solid fuel in orbital transfer blocks faces serious engineering limitations.

The most critical weakness is the lack of controllability: once an ignition command is sent, the solid fuel engine ignites and continues to burn until the last particle of fuel is used up. There is no possibility of shutdown, restartability, or throttling.

In liquid fuel propulsion, the fuel and oxidizer are stored in separate tanks under controlled conditions and injected into the combustion chamber by pressurized gases or turbopump systems.

This architecture provides capabilities that are generally unavailable in the solid fuel design. A suitably designed liquid-propellant engine can provide restart capability, allowing several precisely controlled burns separated by coast phases.

This enables an orbital transfer block to ignite its engine for a few seconds at one point in the orbit to enter an elliptical transfer orbit, then shut down and coast until reaching the orbital apex, before reigniting to circularize the orbit and place the satellite in its precise position.

The second advantage is the ability to continuously control thrust through throttling. By changing the fuel and oxidizer inlet flow rate through proportional valves, the thrust intensity can be increased or decreased.

This capability is crucial for the smooth and safe deployment of sensitive satellites without introducing severe gravitational shocks to the payload.

Engineering complexities and Iranian achievements

The development of liquid fuel engines for space applications presents significant engineering challenges that the ISRC is now addressing.

One of the biggest challenges is managing the propellant in zero-gravity conditions. In the absence of gravity, the liquid fuel in the tank forms suspended bubbles and adheres to the walls, a phenomenon that can cause gas to be drawn into the engine instead of liquid, potentially leading to engine shutdown.

The development of propellant management devices using capillary structures and metal sponges represents a hidden and very complex achievement in the development of liquid fuel blocks.

The use of liquid propellants in space typically requires hypergolic fuels such as hydrazine or its derivatives with nitrogen tetroxide.

These fuels are highly toxic and corrosive, but their main advantage is that they ignite spontaneously upon contact and do not require an igniter system, ensuring the reliability of repeated combustion in the vacuum of space.

The ISA had already reached maturity in the field of single-propellant thrusters for attitude control, but the entry into orbital block main engines marks mastery of the full cycle of high-thrust bipropellant engines.

Arash solid fuel motor, intended to be replaced with liquid fuel engines

Path toward constellation deployment

The development of liquid fuel in the Saman block is directly linked to Iran's strategic program of satellite constellation deployment.

The Shahid Soleimani constellation, whose first phase includes 24 narrowband satellites comprising 18 main satellites and 6 reserve satellites, is designed to provide Internet of things (IoT) communications, crisis management, forest fire monitoring, and data transmission in areas without terrestrial infrastructure.

Three satellites from this constellation are already prepared for launch and will be unveiled during the Fajr decade and placed in orbit this year.

Launching 24 satellites one by one with 24 different rockets is not economically or time-wise justified.

The logical solution is to use powerful launchers to send several satellites simultaneously, but the main challenge is that the satellites of a constellation should not be released at one point in space.

They must be distributed at specific angular distances within an orbital plane to create continuous communication coverage without blind spots. This distributed operation can be facilitated by an orbital transfer block with restartable propulsion.

The operational scenario would involve the launch vehicle placing the carrier block of several satellites into the initial orbit, the orbital transfer block igniting its liquid motor to reach the desired orbital plane, releasing the first satellite, then restarting the liquid motor to change its speed and orbital angle before releasing the next satellite.

This cycle continues until the mission is completed. The entry of the Saman block into the field of liquid fuel precisely means providing a physical platform for the realization of large-scale constellation projects such as the Shahid Soleimani system.

Geostationary orbit and broadband communications

Another area where the orbital transfer block plays a crucial role is achieving geostationary orbit at an altitude of 36,000 kilometers.

This orbit is the most strategic point in space for deploying telecommunications satellites, broadcasting, and broadband communications.

Following the successes of the Nahid-2 telecommunications satellite in low Earth orbit, including the first satellite phone call and Ku-band testing, Iran has begun construction of the Nahid-3 satellite.

Weighing approximately 110 kilograms, Nahid-3 is a broadband satellite designed specifically for deployment in geostationary orbit and is currently in the design and construction phase of its main subsystems.

Reaching this extremely distant orbit is accomplished through a maneuver called a geostationary transfer orbit. In this scenario, the launcher places the payload in a highly elliptical orbit with a perigee close to Earth and an apogee at 36,000 kilometers.

For final deployment, the spacecraft coasts for hours before reaching apogee, at which point an engine must be fired to make the orbit circular and adjust its inclination.

The Saman block, with its liquid fuel architecture, has the capability to perform this complex and time-delayed maneuver with the highest precision and stabilize the Nahid-3 satellite in Iran's orbital position.

Arash solid fuel motor, intended to be replaced with liquid fuel engines

Space economics and data platforms

The technical aspects of the transition to liquid propulsion are directly tied to macroeconomic concepts.

Launch cost per kilogram has always been a major bottleneck in space commercialization, and advanced liquid-fueled orbital transfer blocks maximize the efficiency of heavy launchers.

Instead of launching expensive rockets for a small satellite, a single launcher can be launched with a heavy main payload and several small satellites.

After the main payload is deployed, the orbital transfer block uses its reburning capability to change course and release the microsatellites into different orbits, drastically reducing launch costs for startups, knowledge-based companies, and academic teams.

The final output of these space infrastructures is the production and processing of space-based data.

Sensing satellites such as Pars-1, the upgraded version of Pars-2, and Rad-1, Iran's first indigenous radar satellite, are responsible for continuous imaging of the Earth's surface.

The precise deployment of these satellites in sun-synchronous orbits by orbital transfer blocks ensures the quality and repeatability of the data.

Optical and radar data from these satellites are fed into national platforms such as the Raz platform and the Iran Zamin system, known as the Iranian Google Earth, which are equipped with advanced artificial intelligence algorithms for monitoring agricultural crops, predicting droughts, assessing watersheds, registering land violations, and monitoring land subsidence.

Reorganizing for the future

To respond to this new value chain, the Space Research Institute has undertaken an internal restructuring.

The shift from project-oriented missions to problem-oriented missions and the establishment of the Applications Research Institute are structural responses to the needs of the country's executive bodies.

Previously, satellite and subsystem research institutes were focused on developing pure technology, but the new approach is based on monitoring, predicting, and solving the daily challenges of space-based industries.

Supporting orbiting systems in space requires the simultaneous development of communication and control infrastructure.

The launch of a project to localize inter-satellite link technology will allow satellites in a constellation to relay data to each other in space without having to pass over a specific ground station, significantly reducing delay in message transmission and increasing the real-time capabilities of constellations in crisis situations.

At the same time, the development of an integrated network of satellite control centers distributed throughout the country, such as the Salmas center and the development of the Chabahar space base, is on the agenda of the Space Organization.

Illustration of Iran’s Saman-1 orbital transfer block during an orbital-raising maneuver

Road ahead

The development of liquid fuel systems in the Saman orbital transfer block represents a roadmap for Iran to join the small group of countries with smart space tug technology.

While solid fuel engines performed exceptionally well as primary and final accelerators and proved their worth in the successful launch of Saman-1 to an altitude of 400 kilometers, they lack the flexibility required for the requirements of the era of constellation building.

The transition to a liquid propulsion architecture that offers capabilities such as repeated combustion in vacuum, thrust control, and delicate orbital phasing maneuvers is a prerequisite for implementing major national projects such as the injection of the Shahid Soleimani constellation and the transfer of Nahid-3 series satellites to geosynchronous orbit.

This hardware revolution will directly drive the space economy, and the ability to accurately and cost-effectively deploy multiple payloads into different orbits through shared launches will pave the way for strong private sector participation and the development of space startups.

Combining this orbital infrastructure with advanced Earth observation platforms forms a complete cycle of space-based technologies that, instead of focusing solely on demonstrating power, focuses on solving the country's vital challenges, including water resource management, smart agriculture, environmental monitoring, and expanding digital economy infrastructure.

The Saman program, with its solid foundation and liquid future, stands as a testament to Iran's growing capabilities in the final frontier.