Wednesday, March 11, 2026

Iran: The Two Wars

David Rosen

Photograph Source: U.S. Navy – Public Domain

There are two wars taking place in Iran – one being fought by the United States, the other by Israel.

For the U.S., the war against Iran is a war of distraction.

For Israel, the war against Iran – and Gaza and Lebanon – is also a war of distraction as well as a war to destroy an Islamic challenge to its regional hegemony.

Donald Trump’s second presidency is faltering.  A month after taking office, in February 2025, his approval rating was 48 percent (and his disapproval rating was 43 percent). A year later, his approval rating has fallen to 38 percent (and his disapproval rating increased to 59 percent).

Benjamin Netanyahu, not unlike Trump, is suffering politically. According to a March CNN report, “nearly 70% of Israelis in some polls indicate they believe Netanyahu should step down.”  In addition, he still faces a corruption trial.  Orchestrating a war with Iran may indeed postpone a day of reckoning – but for how long?

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Defining features of Trump’s presidency speak for themselves: his anti-immigrant campaign – as exemplified in what took place in Minneapolis, MN — has run aground; his tariff program has been rejected by his Supreme Court loyalists; and then there is the Epstein scandal, which the Trump administration is doing everything it can to suppress.

Making matters worse, Trump’s electoral promises to improve Americans’ standard of living, especially involving issues associated with “affordability,” is failing.  The only winners of Trump’s presidency are the super-rich, who are only getting richer and the oil and gas industry.

Trump’s policies are failing, so what could he do?  Faced with his faltering domestic and foreign policies, Trump has partnered with Israel’s prime minister,

Netanyahu, to attack Iran.  U.S. Sec. of State Marco Rubio made this clear when he insisted:

“It was abundantly clear that if Iran came under attack by anyone … they were going to respond and respond against the United States.  We knew there was going to be an Israeli action. We knew that would precipitate an attack against American forces. And we knew that if we didn’t preemptively go after them before they launched those attacks, we would suffer higher casualties.”

Israel, together with Saudi Arabia, drew Trump into the war with Iran.  And Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) had Trump’s ear calling for war.

As NPR reported on March 6th, “Just 36% approve of how Trump is handling Iran, and a majority (55%) thinks Iran either represents a minor threat or no threat at all to the United States.”

The U.S. has been targeting Iran since 1953 when the CIA – together with Britain’s MI6 – organized a coup against the democratically elected Iranian prime minister, Mohammad Mossadegh, and installed the Shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi.  The Iranian Revolution of 1979 sparked a hostage crisis in which 52 Americans were held for 444 days, which has shadowed U.S.-Iran relations for the last half-century.

Since its creation in 1948, Israel has been the U.S.’s pawn in the Middle East  and the U.S. has,  up until 2026,  invested about $200 billion to facilitate Israel’s dominance.  According to a 2023 Congressional report, “Israel is the largest cumulative recipient of U.S. foreign assistance since World War II.”  It adds, since ’48, “the United States has provided Israel $174 billion (current, or non-inflation-adjusted, dollars) in bilateral assistance and missile defense funding.”

Brown University’s Costs of War Project reports that between the Hamas attacks of October 2023 and September 2025, the U.S. has provided more than $21 billion in military aid to Israel.

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Like Israel’s unending war against Gaza and the Palestinian people, one can expect that even if Trump declares victory and the war over with Iran, Israel will not end its war against Iran.  The same spirit of endless victory that followed Trump’s Gaza peace plan — in which about 500 Palestinians have been killed by the Israeli military — will likely define Israel’s ongoing “peace” with Iran and Lebanon.

Not unlike Trump’s war effort as an effort to distract from his ongoing political failures, Israel’s Netanyahu is also using the war as a distraction.  In June 22, 2025, the U.S. and Israel attacked Iran’s (alleged) nuclear facilities as part of Israel’s Twelve-Day War that began June 13th.  Sec. of State Rubino echoed Trump’s celebratory spirit about the attacks, declaring the strikes “completely and totally obliterated” Iran’s key nuclear enrichment facilities.  So, why a follow-up attack on the same facilities in nine months?

As Jamal Kanj recently wrote for CounterPunch:

“This is not America’s war. The decision was made elsewhere, and timed elsewhere, fought on behalf of someone else to serve the strategic objectives of a foreign country. Washington has subordinated the American national interest to the tribal agenda of Israeli-firsters inside the Beltway. Simply put: Tel Aviv chooses the war, and Washington pays the bill.”

Sadly, two wars but just one victim – and for what?

David Rosen is the author of Sex, Sin & Subversion:  The Transformation of 1950s New York’s Forbidden into America’s New Normal (Skyhorse, 2015).  He can be reached at drosennyc@verizon.net; check out www.DavidRosenWrites.com.

South Africa Needs to be More Forceful in Decrying US/Zionist Axis of War

 By Iqbal Jassat

South African President Cyril Ramaphosa. (Photo: SA Presidency TW Page)

Failure to act against the US-Israeli axis of terror is to allow a global order dictated and ruled by merciless bullying and force.

In its latest statement, the South African government has expressed deep concern over what it refers to as the escalating crisis in the Gulf.

It correctly points out that the crisis arises from the “use of force by the United States and Israel against Iran”. The understanding is unambiguous, though the language appears to be couched in soft terms.

The “use of force” fails to convey the full extent of the brutal war imposed on Iran. Nor does it convey the reality of the illegality of the unprovoked military assault by the United States and Israel that plunged the region into a “crisis”.

As we enter the second week of the unjust and unlawful war, it would be shortsighted not to emphasize that the American-Israeli axis of aggression against Iran is a flagrant violation of Iran’s territorial integrity and national sovereignty.

Esmaeil Baghaei, spokesperson for Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has described the military assault launched on Saturday, February 28, an unprovoked, unwarranted act of aggression.

“They started this merciless aggression by targeting Iran’s Supreme Leader’s compound at the heart of the capital, Tehran. The leader, also a highly respected Shia religious jurist across the region and beyond, was martyred along with a number of his family members, including his 14-month-old granddaughter on the 10th day of the holy month of Ramadan”.

According to Baghaei, at the same time, the US/Israel axis launched massive air and missile strikes across Iran against military and civilian targets. The most heartbreaking news broke when they struck an elementary school in Minab, south-western Iran, where 165 innocent schoolgirls and 26 teachers were brutally slaughtered.

“It is now clear that the US/Israeli targeting of this elementary school was deliberate and pre-planned. A detailed investigative report, based on satellite imagery, strike patterns, and geolocation analysis, has demonstrated that the attack directly struck the civilian school building during class hours. The purpose was to preoccupy Iran’s armed forces and emergency response capacity so that the aggressors could subsequently target other strategic sites”.

It is noted, though, that South Africa has previously condemned the unlawful attacks on Iran by Israel and the United States, which violate Article 2(4) of the UN Charter prohibiting the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state.

These principles are fundamental to the international rules‑based order and must be upheld by all Member States. However, the concern raised by South Africa about the subsequent retaliatory strikes by Iran across the region, as “developments risking widening the conflict with grave implications for regional and international peace and security”, lacks context.

In exercising Iran’s lawful and legitimate right under Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, Iran had no option but to target certain US military facilities in the region.

Baghaei points out that these defensive operations are not directed against host countries but are undertaken solely in defense of Iran. “The facilities targeted were used by the United States to prepare and launch military attacks against Iran”.

While Iran fully respects the territorial integrity and political independence of Gulf countries, every state has a responsibility, under international law and the principle of good neighborliness, not to allow its territory, airspace, or facilities to be used for acts of aggression against the Islamic Republic.

The lack of context in South Africa’s statement is best understood by the facts expressly affirmed by the authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

“… Any point of origin, base, or territorial platform from which acts of aggression against Iran are initiated—irrespective of the state in which such forces may be stationed—shall, consistent with Article 3(f) of the Annex to General Assembly Resolution 3314 (XXIX) on the Definition of Aggression, be regarded as a lawful military objective in the exercise of Iran’s inherent right of self-defense under Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations”.

On the other hand, South Africa, being alarmed by Israel’s continued military operations in Lebanon, which have resulted in civilian casualties, the destruction of essential infrastructure, and the displacement of communities, is spot on.

“These attacks constitute a serious breach of Lebanon’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and further destabilise the region”.

The unprovoked imposed war has placed the world at a critical juncture.

It is clear that the Trump administration’s justifications for this war are based on lies. Most military analysts, especially within the US, have dismissed the notion that Iran posed an imminent threat to the US.

Indeed, former Israeli peace negotiator Daniel Levy has categorically argued that Trump’s incoherence has allowed Israel, a small settler-colonial state, to pursue a far-reaching mission of domination in the region.

Levy asserts that over many decades, Israel, and Benjamin Netanyahu in particular (he has been Israel’s premier for almost 20 of the last 30 years), have tried to pull America into a war against Iran.

Netanyahu briefly succeeded last June when Trump launched the one-and-done Operation Midnight Hammer strikes. That appeared to only whet appetites.

Israel’s campaign to induce a full-scale American assault on Iran became relentless. Levy reminds us that Secretary of State Marco Rubio let slip that America’s supposed case for pre-emptive use of force in the face of a threat was, in fact, necessitated by Israeli (rather than Iranian) imminent military aggression.

Hence, unless these factual arguments are emphasized in statements of “concern” by South Africa, the result will regrettably be stuck in soft-peddling without the desired effect.

Failure to act against the US-Israeli axis of terror is to allow a global order dictated and ruled by merciless bullying and force.

– Iqbal Jassat is an Executive Member of the South Africa-based Media Review Network. He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle. Visit: www.mediareviewnet.com

Will America Lose the War in Iran? A Reading of Professor Jiang Xiuqin’s Prediction

 By Muhammad Hasab al-Rasoul

US–Israeli escalation and Iranian retaliation redefine the region’s balance, as survival and regime change collide in a widening war. (Photo illustration: Palestine Chronicle)

A superpower is rarely defeated in a single battle. It is worn down gradually through accumulating costs, time, and internal pressure. Military superiority may provide deterrence, but the true test of power lies in the ability to sustain a prolonged war.

Amid the rapid transformations unfolding across the region, the name of Chinese Professor Jiang Xiuqin has emerged as one of the voices offering a bold, forward-looking interpretation of the American-Israeli war on Iran.

Jiang, a Chinese academic and Yale University graduate, gained attention through his Predictive History platform, where he analyzes the behavior of empires during moments of ascent and strategic testing.

In 2024, Jiang made three predictions: the return of Donald Trump to the US presidency, the outbreak of war with Iran, and the possibility that the United States could lose such a war. With the first two predictions having already materialized, the third has drawn increasing attention. Jiang’s argument focuses not on the size of military arsenals, but on the endurance and resilience of the actors involved.

Attrition as Strategy

Jiang begins from the premise that the current confrontation is not a conventional war likely to end quickly, but rather a conflict defined by gradual erosion. In this framework, Iran’s strategy relies on attrition.

The Vietnam War offers an instructive historical example. The United States did not lose that war due to a lack of military capability, but because the conflict evolved into a prolonged struggle in which the Vietnamese leadership succeeded in exhausting American political and economic resources. Over time, military superiority lost its functional advantage.

At the same time, comparisons with Vietnam must be approached carefully. Iran today possesses capabilities that Vietnam never had. These include a sophisticated ballistic missile arsenal, an advanced drone program, and electronic warfare capacities. In addition, Iran maintains regional alliances and holds strategic leverage through the Strait of Hormuz, a passage through which roughly one-third of global oil supplies transit.

Taken together, these capabilities enhance Iran’s ability not only to defend itself but also to impose a broader war of attrition on its adversaries—potentially far deeper and more complex than the guerrilla warfare experienced in Vietnam.

In this context, the central issue is not the outcome of a single battle. Rather, it is the cumulative burden of time, financial costs, and internal pressures that determines whether military superiority can be sustained.

The Gulf as an Arena of Mutual Attrition

The Gulf region represents a central strategic arena in this conflict. Its importance extends beyond maritime navigation and energy production; it also underpins global economic systems and technological supply chains.

A prolonged war would place Washington under dual pressure. The disruption of energy flows and trade routes could weaken global markets while simultaneously increasing the financial and military burdens of sustained conflict.

At the same time, the Gulf states themselves would face mounting challenges. Economic stability, social cohesion, and security arrangements could all be affected if supply chains and maritime routes are disrupted.

Political discourse within the Gulf has already begun to reflect this tension. Prominent regional figures, including former Qatari Prime Minister Hamad bin Jassim, Saudi Prince Turki al-Faisal, and Emirati businessman Khalaf Al Habtoor, have suggested that the war is not fundamentally a Gulf conflict but rather a confrontation driven by the interests of Washington and Tel Aviv. Such statements reflect a growing current within Gulf political thinking.

Beyond the military dimension, food security could become one of the most sensitive issues. Gulf countries import nearly 90 percent of their food supplies through maritime routes that pass the Strait of Hormuz. While officials insist that strategic reserves can cover four to six months of consumption, prolonged disruptions could create serious economic and social pressures.

Under such conditions, the region could shift from being a sphere of influence to becoming an additional arena of economic and political strain.

The American Home Front

Attrition in this conflict is not confined to the battlefield or the economy. The domestic political environment in the United States may prove equally decisive.

Public opposition to foreign wars has grown steadily over the past two decades. War fatigue, economic concerns, and domestic priorities have strengthened calls to limit overseas military engagements.

The political movement that helped return Donald Trump to the presidency—the MAGA coalition—was built in part around the slogan “America First.” That message emphasized reducing foreign entanglements and focusing on domestic challenges.

A prolonged war of attrition could therefore clash with the political foundation that brought Trump back to power. Without a swift and decisive victory, domestic opposition may expand, increasing pressure on the administration and Congress.

Signs of such tension are already visible. Public opinion polls show increasing reluctance among Americans to support new military interventions abroad. Meanwhile, a recent congressional vote on war powers revealed deep divisions, passing by a narrow margin of 53 to 47.

Historically, external crises often trigger a temporary “rally around the flag” effect. Yet prolonged conflicts—especially those perceived as unrelated to national survival—have the potential to transform early unity into frustration and political backlash, particularly as casualties mount and financial costs escalate.

Israel and the Limits of Endurance

Israel, the United States’ primary partner in the conflict, operates under a military doctrine that favors swift, decisive wars rather than prolonged confrontations.

Historically, Israeli strategy has relied on rapid victories designed to minimize prolonged economic disruption and societal strain. A long war of attrition would challenge this model.

Israeli society has often demonstrated sensitivity to human losses as well as psychological and economic pressures associated with sustained conflict. Reactions during the early stages of the current war already indicate rising concerns regarding the potential duration and costs of the confrontation.

Economic indicators reflect these pressures. The Israeli Broadcasting Authority estimated that damage to critical economic infrastructure has already reached billions of shekels. Meanwhile, Reuters, citing informed sources, reported that the first week of the war alone generated direct economic losses exceeding two billion dollars, due to disrupted industrial activity, displacement from northern regions, and a sharp decline in air traffic.

At the same time, elements within the Israeli right view the conflict as a strategic opportunity. From this perspective, the war represents a chance to neutralize what is perceived as an existential threat from Iran while reshaping regional geopolitics.

This tension highlights a fundamental question: whether Israel’s strategic ambitions align with the economic, social, and psychological capacity of the state and its society to sustain a prolonged war.

China and Russia: Beneficiaries of Strategic Overstretch

The conflict also unfolds within a broader geopolitical context involving Russia and China.

Moscow, already engaged in a prolonged war in Ukraine, may see strategic value in Washington becoming entangled in another costly confrontation. Russian support for Iran could include political backing, technical cooperation, and assistance in areas such as air defense—capabilities refined during the war in Ukraine.

Such cooperation would also align with the strategic partnership agreements between Moscow and Tehran, potentially serving Russia’s broader objective of weakening American global influence.

China’s perspective is shaped by its own long-term geostrategic calculations. Beijing maintains a comprehensive strategic partnership with Iran and views Tehran as an important regional actor within emerging multipolar dynamics.

Although China remains attentive to disruptions in global supply chains, it may also perceive the conflict as an opportunity to accelerate the erosion of American influence.

Under these conditions, both Beijing and Moscow could eventually promote diplomatic initiatives aimed at ending the war. Such efforts would align with broader efforts to reshape the international order toward a more multipolar system.

The Central Question: Sustainability

Taken together, these multiple fronts reveal the deeper structure of the conflict.

In Washington, political divisions and financial burdens are intensifying. In Israel, economic costs and social pressures continue to accumulate. In the Gulf, concerns over food security and regional stability are rising.

In Iran, meanwhile, the state appears to be relying on institutional resilience and societal capacity to absorb shocks, despite facing its own internal economic and political challenges.

The central equation, therefore, is not simply the balance of military power. Rather, it concerns the ability to sustain that power over time without the associated costs eroding internal stability.

When military, economic, and political pressures converge, the question of victory becomes secondary to the question of endurance.

This is the core insight in Jiang Xiuqin’s analysis. Wars of attrition rarely produce dramatic battlefield collapses. Instead, they reshape outcomes through gradual exhaustion.

If Jiang’s prediction of an American defeat were to materialize, it would likely not resemble the sudden collapse of a battlefield force. Instead, it would manifest as a gradual erosion of political prestige and an inability to impose strategic objectives.

Such an outcome could lead to one of two scenarios: a chaotic withdrawal reminiscent of Afghanistan, or a negotiated settlement shaped by the realities of prolonged attrition.

In either case, the defining factor would not be military capability alone, but the capacity to endure the costs of war over time.

(This article was originally published in Al Mayadeen. It was translated and edited by the Palestine Chronicle)