Lebanese-Israeli-US talks intended to undermine US-Iran MOU: professor

Bard College professor Ziad Abu Rish says Lebanese officials have put ‘all their eggs in US-Israeli basket’

TEHRAN - The Lebanese government has been left at the “mercy” of the US and Israel after signing on to the Washington-brokered framework agreement, argues Ziad Abu Rish, an associate professor of Middle Eastern Studies at Bard College in New York.

He noted that Zawthar al-Gharbiya remains the only village Israeli forces have withdrawn from under the framework agreement and Israel has since publicly declared it is no longer interested in creating additional withdrawal zones, Al Jazeera reported.

The initial “pilot zones”, Abu Rish argued, were established as part of what “we could call the momentum of Lebanese-Israeli-US negotiations to undermine the US-Iran memorandum of understanding and its Lebanon clause”.

The first clause of the Iran-US framework agreement states:

“The United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran and their allies in the current war are signing this MOU to declare the immediate and permanent termination of military operations on all fronts, including in Lebanon, and undertake from now on not to initiate any war or any military operation against each other, and to refrain from the threat or use of force against each other, and ensuring the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon.”

But Israel’s refusal to withdraw further caused negotiations with Lebanon to “end rather abruptly” in Rome this month.

Abu Rish went on to describe the agreement as “an attempt by a few personalities in the Lebanese government” – specifically President Joseph Aoun, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam and Foreign Minister Youssef Rajji – to “align with the Israeli and US” position on Lebanon and “to portray Hezbollah as the problem”.

In doing so, “they have put all their eggs in the US-Israeli basket,” he said, and “have lost any leverage they have”.

“They are now at the mercy of the United States and Israel,” he said. “And what we’ve seen in Gaza, what we’ve seen in Syria and now what we’re seeing in Lebanon is that the United States has absolutely no interest in pressuring Israel to take corrective action for its belligerent invasion and occupation of Lebanese and other territories.”

11 people have been killed in Israeli strikes in southern Lebanon in one of the deadliest days of attacks since an agreement aimed at reducing hostilities was announced in June.

Lebanon's prime minister said seven people were killed in a strike on a house on the outskirts of Ansar, 70km (43 miles) south of the capital, Beirut. Three children and two women were among the dead.

Later on Saturday, another round of strikes hit the town of Deir al-Zahrani, killing four and wounding five others, the Lebanese ministry of health said.

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• Lebanon
• Israel
• Hezbollah
• leverage
• eggs
• basket

Why’s not Iran Involved Russia and China in Region’s Security-Military Equations?

Alwaght- Many political observers in the West expected that when Iran’s confrontation with Israeli regime began, Tehran would rush to Russia and China to restore military balance. But events have shown otherwise. Based on its stated positions and available intelligence, Iran neither requested direct military intervention from either power nor sought to tie its own deterrence to their military footprint. This should be seen as one of the clearest signs of maturity in the Islamic Republic’s defense doctrine, a doctrine built over the past two decades on the principle of “self-reliance in deterrence.”

This should not be considered as a tactical or fleeting choice. Rather, it reflects deeper shifts in Iran’s security thinking. The wars of recent decades, from Iraq and Afghanistan to Libya, Syria and Ukraine, have demonstrated that countries that outsource their security to great powers effectively surrender a measure of their strategic autonomy. That is precisely why Tehran, following orders from the martyred Supreme Leader Ayatollah Sayyed Ali Khamenei spent years building a deterrence structure rooted in domestic capabilities, indigenous defense industries and independent decision-making.

For much of the past two decades, the dominant narrative in Western media and security circles held that the Islamic Republic could not maintain a balance against the US and Israeli regime without Russian and Chinese backing. That narrative served a dual purpose: it justified the policy of containment, and it signaled to US regional allies that tightening the noose on Moscow and Beijing would also weaken Tehran’s deterrent power. Recent developments have seriously upended that assumption.

Iran’s resistance, resilience, its battlefield gains and its ability to hold its ground without relying on allies have sent a clear message: its strategic relationships with Moscow and Beijing are not substitutes for indigenous defense capacity, but complements to its foreign policy. In other words, Tehran has sought to demonstrate that its national security is not hostage to the will of outside powers.

This stance also carried an important signal for Washington and Israel. For years, a core US strategy has been to drive a wedge between Iran, Russia and China, on the theory that if Iran’s deterrence depended on direct support from those two, pressure on them would degrade Tehran’s capabilities. But by showing that its military response is built on domestic assets, Iran has largely neutralized that lever, forcing its adversaries to recalculate the costs of confrontation.

But this is just one side of the story. The more important question is why Moscow and Beijing not got involved. 

The answer should be sought in the security doctrine of these two countries. Just contrary to common assumptions, the strategic relationship between countries does do not necessarily mean a commitment for military involvement in each other's wars.

Unlike NATO, Russia and China have never regulated ties with Iran within a collective defense treaty. Their partnership with Tehran is based on political, security, economic, energy, and geopolitical common interests, not a commitment for automatic intervention in a war in favor of one another.

Russia remains heavily involved in Ukraine, militarily, economically and politically, and has little appetite for opening a second front in West Asia. China, as the world’s largest energy importer, views stability in the Persian Gulf as integral to its own economic security and prefers the role of mediator and economic player to that of direct combatant.

That said, the absence of Russian and Chinese military boots on the ground should not be mistaken for a diminished importance in their relations with Iran. It is, rather, entirely consistent with their broader foreign policy doctrines. What we have witnessed in recent events is, in effect, a division of labor among strategic partners. Iran assumed responsibility for direct defense and deterrence, while Russia and China worked through diplomatic, political, economic and legal channels to contain the crisis and ward off mounting international pressure. This pattern resembles less a classic military alliance than what might be called a “strategic partnership.”

Recent battlefield developments should be read through that same lens. Greater strike precision, smarter targeting, the penetration of air-defense layers, disruption of enemy decision-making cycles and the escalating economic and psychological costs of war, these are not merely technological advances. They are components of a new deterrence doctrine built on decision-making independence and self-sufficient execution.

These developments carry a message for the region as well. For decades, most Arab governments have defined their security through the American umbrella. Iran is now offering a different model, one that locates the legitimacy of deterrence not in the presence of foreign troops but in the cultivation of indigenous capacity. That distinction may gradually reshape the security calculus of regional states.

Finally, it is worth underscoring that the real significance of recent events was not simply a successful military operation or the breach of defensive layers. It was the consolidation of a crucial insight: strategic independence and strategic partnership are two distinct but complementary concepts. Iran has sought to ground its security and deterrence in domestic capabilities while simultaneously expanding its strategic ties with Russia and China across political, economic, technological and diplomatic domains, without allowing those relationships to morph into military dependency.

If this pattern is consolidated in the years to come, one of the most important Western narratives about Iran's security dependence on China and Russia will be seriously questioned. In such conditions, Iran's deterrence rests not on foreign powers' help but on locally-developed technology, independence of decision-making, and the capability to foist costs on the enemy. This pattern can be one of the defining features of the new security order in West Asia.

Iran has 58 sites on UNESCO tentative list, heritage official says

TEHRAN - Iran currently has 58 cultural and natural properties and heritage collections on the UNESCO Tentative List, according to the director general of registration of the Ministry of Cultural Heritage, Tourism and Handicrafts.

“A total of 58 properties are currently on Iran’s Tentative List that constitute a strategic reserve for the country’s future World Heritage planning,” Alireza Izadi said.

Izadi stressed that the Tentative List is not fixed and can be revised. If expert assessments determine that a site or heritage complex meets the requirements for possible World Heritage inscription, the necessary procedures can be initiated to have it added to the list. Once accepted, research, documentation and preparation of the nomination dossier can begin.

According to the official, Iran prioritizes nomination dossiers based on factors including their conformity with UNESCO criteria, outstanding universal value, the quality of available documentation, the feasibility of completing research, and conservation and management conditions.

Among the properties that have appeared on Iran’s Tentative is the ancient port of Siraf and its cultural landscape, he said.

Siraf is among Iran’s priorities for the coming year, Izadi said, adding that work on its nomination dossier has been pursued and the site is currently undergoing the relevant stages of review and assessment for potential World Heritage inscription.

He said that in some cases, a broad heritage theme can be narrowed during expert studies into a more coherent and clearly defined nomination. In the case of the historic and coastal heritage of the Persian Gulf, for example, focusing research on a complex such as Siraf could provide the basis for a more cohesive dossier with stronger potential for international assessment.

Izadi also said that Iran’s Asbads (windmills) are on the Tentative List and that work is under way to prepare and complete their nomination dossier.

Other heritage priorities under consideration include archaeological sites and ancient settlement mounds, Tus, and a proposed nomination focusing on Iranian mosques.

Iran’s architectural heritage of mosques has considerable potential, Izadi said, citing the country’s diversity of mosque architecture, decorative traditions and architectural forms.

Historic Iranian houses are another potential area for future World Heritage nominations, he added. Their architecture has developed in close relationship with climate, culture and local ways of life, resulting in significant regional variations across the country.

Izadi said other sites, including Kalat-e Naderi, could potentially be considered for future nomination based on expert studies. However, he stressed that any new proposal must first go through the formal process of correspondence with UNESCO and, if accepted, be added to the Tentative List before the nomination dossier can be prepared.

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• Iran
• Travel
• tourism
• UNESCO
• tentative list
• Alireza Izadi
• Siraf
• Asbad
• Mosque
• Windmill
• Tus
• UNESCO World Heritage

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WHEN HUMANITY BURIES ITS CONSCIENCE: GAZA, JUSTICE, AND THE HOPE OF IMAM AL-MAHDI

By Professor Abdullahi Danladi

History occasionally presents humanity with moments so horrifying that they expose not merely the brutality of war but the bankruptcy of human conscience. The repeated images of mass burials in Gaza are among such moments. As rows upon rows of shrouded bodies disappear into the earth, one cannot simply mourn; one is compelled to question. Why has the sanctity of human life become so cheap? Why do these killings continue with such devastating frequency? How long will the world tolerate the systematic destruction of an entire people while speaking the lofty language of international law, human rights, and the rule-based global order?

These questions transcend politics. They are fundamentally moral, philosophical, and civilizational. They compel us to examine whether the contemporary international system genuinely upholds justice or merely protects the interests of those who possess overwhelming political and military power. If human rights are truly universal, then they cannot be applied selectively. If justice is to retain any intellectual credibility, it cannot be conditional upon race, geography, religion, or political expediency. Justice that discriminates ceases to be justice; it becomes another instrument of domination.

The tragedy unfolding in Palestine is therefore not only a humanitarian catastrophe but also a profound indictment of the moral architecture of our age. Every fresh mass grave represents more than lives extinguished; it represents another fracture in humanity's collective conscience. It raises uncomfortable questions about the effectiveness of international institutions, the consistency of global ethics, and the sincerity of those who proclaim themselves defenders of civilization while remaining indifferent to unimaginable human suffering.

From the Islamic worldview, oppression is not merely the violation of human rights; it is rebellion against the Divine moral order. The Qur'an repeatedly condemns tyranny, injustice, and the shedding of innocent blood, reminding mankind that the value of a single innocent life transcends worldly calculations of power and political interest. Throughout history, civilizations have risen and fallen not simply because of economic or military strength, but because of their commitment—or failure—to uphold justice as a sacred trust.

It is precisely at such moments of overwhelming despair that the believer draws hope from one of Islam's most profound eschatological promises. The Messenger of Allah, Prophet Muhammad (peace and blessings be upon him and his purified Household), foretold that when the earth becomes overwhelmed with injustice and oppression, Allah will raise Imam al-Mahdi (may Allah hasten his reappearance), who will fill it with justice and equity as it had previously been filled with tyranny and injustice. This promise is neither escapism nor passive optimism. It is a declaration that oppression possesses no permanence and that history ultimately belongs not to tyrants but to Divine justice.

To many observers today, the world appears engulfed by violence, displacement, occupation, genocide, poverty, and moral confusion. Palestine has become perhaps the most visible symbol of this global crisis, but it is by no means its only manifestation. Across continents, countless innocent people continue to bear the consequences of wars they neither initiated nor desired. Such realities reinforce the conviction that humanity's greatest crisis is not technological, economic, or political; it is fundamentally ethical and spiritual.

Yet faith refuses to surrender to despair.

Every cemetery filled with innocent victims is also a testimony that oppression cannot erase truth. Every funeral procession reminds us that while tyrants may temporarily dominate the battlefield, they can never ultimately conquer justice. Empires have always imagined themselves invincible until history rendered its final judgement upon them. The Pharaohs, Nimrod, the Umayyads, the Abbasids, colonial empires, and countless other oppressive regimes all believed that power guaranteed permanence. History proved otherwise.

The same lesson remains true today. No military superiority, diplomatic protection, media narrative, or political alliance can permanently shield injustice from Divine accountability. The blood of innocent people has always possessed a remarkable capacity to awaken human conscience long after the weapons that silenced them have themselves fallen silent.

It is within this framework of hope that we raise our hands in prayer.

O Allah, hasten the reappearance of Your Proof, Imam al-Mahdi (may Allah hasten his reappearance). Grant him Your divine assistance in establishing justice where oppression reigns, truth where falsehood prevails, and peace where tyranny has made violence appear normal.

O Allah, make us among his sincere followers, his loyal supporters, and those privileged to participate in the establishment of Your justice on earth. We acknowledge the shortcomings of our deeds and confess our unworthiness before Your Majesty. Yet we rely upon Your infinite mercy, for Your mercy is infinitely greater than our sins and infinitely more expansive than our limitations.

O Allah, have mercy upon the martyrs of Palestine. Grant healing to the wounded, freedom to the imprisoned, shelter to the displaced, patience to the bereaved, and dignity to every oppressed soul. Extend Your divine assistance not only to the Palestinian people but to all those throughout the world who sincerely struggle against injustice and strive in Your path with wisdom, patience, and steadfastness.

O Allah, awaken the conscience of humanity before more innocent blood is shed. Inspire the powerful to choose justice over domination, compassion over indifference, and accountability over impunity. Guide the nations of the world to recognise that lasting peace can never be founded upon oppression and that genuine security can never emerge from injustice.

Indeed, history has never remembered tyrants with honour. Their monuments eventually crumble, their empires disappear, and their names become synonymous with disgrace. It is the oppressed, however, whose sacrifices illuminate history and whose blood continues to testify against injustice before both humanity and the Lord of all creation.

Our hope, therefore, is not founded upon political calculations nor military equations. It is founded upon the eternal promise of Allah—that falsehood, however formidable it may appear, is destined to perish before the light of truth.

"And say: Truth has come, and falsehood has vanished. Surely falsehood is ever bound to vanish." (Qur'an 17:81).

May that Divine promise be fulfilled in our time. Ameen.

Better use of books is essential to cultural diplomacy, tourism minister says

TEHRAN - Iran should make better use of books, literature and publishing as key tools to present its history, culture and civilization to international audiences, Minister of Cultural Heritage, Tourism and Handicrafts Seyyed Reza Salehi-Amiri said on Saturday.

Speaking at a meeting with a number of leading Iranian publishers, Salehi-Amiri said introducing the ancient country to the world should go beyond tourism advertising and the promotion of historical monuments, arguing that books can provide a deeper, lasting and credible account of the country’s cultural and civilizational heritage.

He called for coordinated cooperation among the Ministry of Cultural Heritage, Tourism and Handicrafts, the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance and the private sector to promote Iran’s cultural and civilizational capacities internationally.

“Introducing Iran to the world should not be limited to tourism advertising, attractions and historical monuments,” Salehi-Amiri said, stressing the need to convey the country’s story through more enduring tools such as books, literature and publishing.

He said books could offer international audiences a detailed and multidimensional image of Iran, introducing readers not only to its historical sites but also to its history, art, intellectual traditions, lifestyle and civilization.

The minister called for identifying prominent works on Iranian studies, history, culture, art, literature and civilization that have international potential and preparing them for professional translation and publication in target markets.

He said there was significant demand in many countries among tourists and people interested in Iran to learn more about the country’s history and civilization, adding that this cultural interest should be turned into an opportunity for international engagement.

Elsewhere in his remarks, Salehi-Amiri stressed the role of private publishers in selecting suitable works, identifying target markets and undertaking investment and implementation. Government institutions, he said, should primarily act as facilitators to help Iranian publications gain a stronger presence in international markets.

He also described international book fairs as important platforms for cultural diplomacy and called for a reassessment of Iran’s participation in major global publishing events.

Iran’s presence at international book fairs should not be ceremonial or limited to displaying a number of titles, he said. Instead, it should feature selected works, professional translations and a coherent narrative presenting Iran’s culture and civilization.

Referring to events such as the Madrid International Book Fair, Salehi-Amiri said effective participation required advance planning, knowledge of target audiences and markets, and the preparation of a comprehensive cultural package.

He also proposed establishing professional, modern bookstores at historical sites, museums and tourist attractions across Iran, arguing that these spaces could strengthen the connection between tourism and publishing.

Cultural tourism, Salehi-Amiri said, becomes more meaningful when visitors can explore the deeper layers of heritage through books, narratives, art and dialogue, rather than simply viewing a monument or archaeological site.

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• Reza Salehi Amiri
• Travel
• tourism
• book
• book fair
• cultural diplomacy
• Iran
• Cultural Heritage

Do Iran’s Ties with the Taliban Mean Approving of Sectarian Monopoly in Afghanistan?

Alwaght- In a widely circulated video interview on social media, Iran's deputy ambassador to Kabul, Seyed Hassan Mortazavi, has declared that the Islamic Republic does not recognize the "resistance" groups opposing the Taliban government and offers them no support. He stressed that the term "resistance" is reserved for Gaza, Lebanon, and the fight against the US, and, therefore, has no place in Afghanistan. Mortazavi added that helping to topple the Taliban government "has no religious justification," and Iran's advice to the opposition is to sit down at the negotiating table with the Taliban. The remarks come as the Taliban government, despite its pledges to form an inclusive government, is in practice run exclusively by a single ethnic group, marginalizing others, including the Shiite Hazaras, Tajiks, and Uzbeks.

The stance reflects a pragmatic strategy by Tehran, rooted in several key factors:

1. Prioritizing national security and stability on the borders

Iran's main concern is security of its eastern borders and preventing large-scale instabilities that can spill into the country. Tehran's policy regarding Afghanistan has shifted, like other neighbors, from internal reforms to management of crisis and curbing insecurity. Such measures as preventing cross-border terrorist attacks, managing flow of migrants, and controlling drugs trafficking have become top priorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

2. Trade ties

Annual trade between Iran and Afghanistan is estimated at roughly $4 billion, with a significant portion flowing through land crossings such as Islam Qala in Herat and the border posts of Nimroz Province. Despite regional tensions, commerce between the two countries has continued with little interruption, keeping Iran as Afghanistan's largest trading partner. Maintaining this level of exchange is vital for Iran's economy, which is already grappling with sanctions and regional crises.

3. Existence of relatively responsive government in Kabul

Though Iran has not yet recognized the Taliban's government, it finds interaction with a centralized government in Kabul, regardless of its nature, for managing the interests and settling bilateral issues like water resources, borders, and security works better than dealing with a country with power vacuum or fragmented. By keeping its embassy in Kabul open and continuing dialogue with the Taliban, Iran has kept its communication channels open and somehow embarked on practical recognition. 

4. Taliban opposition fragmented, not aligned with Iran's policies 

The opposition factions, including the National Resistance Front and various other ones remain fragmented, lacking cohesion and a unified command. The previous republican government, during its tenure, was heavily reliant on the US, which eroded Iran's trust and led Tehran to prefer engaging with the new dominant player on the ground, the Taliban. This pragmatic calculus has steered Iran toward backing the status quo.

5. People not aligned with Taliban opposition in real sense 

Taliban’s armed opponents are majorly concentrated in mountainous regions and northeast of the country and have no massive, national-scale support. Despite their monopolization of power, the Taliban have managed to restore relative peace in many parts of the country. Meanwhile, people of Afghanistan, who are war-exhausted, are not willing to see rejuvenated armed clashes. Indeed, non-Pashtuns are not contented with the Taliban's performance, but they have no confidence in opposition groups. 

6. US and West help Pakistan fot destabilizing Afghanistan 

Afghanistan has once again become an setting for rivalry of great powers. According to strategic analyses, the US and its Western allies, operating largely through Pakistan, are pursuing a policy of "controlled instability" in the country, using it as a lever to pressure rivals including Russia, China, and Iran. Tehran sees this game for what it is and, by maintaining engagement with the Taliban, is trying to prevent Afghanistan from turning into a new front against its own interests.

7. Formation of inclusive government; refusing to recognize the Taliban 

This is a key point showing that Iran's interaction with the Taliban is not strategic, but pragmatic. Senior Iranian officials, including the late President Sayyed Ibrahim Raisi, repeatedly underscored the need to form an "inclusive government" in Afghanistan. Iran has practically not recognized the Taliban and this standing allows Tehran to stay away from a hurried legitimization of this group and remain a valid mediator. 

8. Meditation role and preventing proxy confrontation with regional rivals 

Tehran wants to position itself as a key player and mediator in Afghanistan's complex equations, while preventing the country from becoming a staging ground for proxy conflict with its regional rivals, particularly Pakistan. Any backing of anti-Taliban factions would not only fuel further instability but also put Iran on a direct collision course with Islamabad, given that Pakistan still holds considerable sway over segments of the Taliban, especially the Haqqani network and the Kabul-based faction within the movement. Pakistan remains intent on preserving Afghanistan as its "strategic depth."

Conclusion

International developments and the US moves in the region should not be disregarded. The US still seeks to find a loophole for return to the strategically important Bagram airbase via a proxy mode and using terrorist groups like ISIS-Khorasan. Actually, its intelligence services are active in that region for this end. Knowing this, Tehran is trying, through boosting ties with the Taliban, to prevent any security vacuum that will pave the way for Western return to Afghanistan. 

Royan hosting intl. event on role of microbiome in regenerative medicine

TEHRAN - The Royan Institute is playing host to the 17th International Summer School in Tehran to examine the growing role of the microbiome in regenerative medicine.

Bringing together researchers, physicians, faculty members and students, the event opened on August 15 and will come to an end on 19.

Titled “The Symphony of Therapy: Unlocking Regenerative Potential through the Microbiome,” it will focus on recent scientific advances and clinical applications of microbiome research, IRNA reported.

According to the Royan Institute, the program will explore how the human microbiome influences immune regulation, chronic diseases, tissue repair and regeneration, while highlighting emerging therapeutic approaches and translational research.

The five-day event will feature sessions on stem cells and the microbiome, intestinal stem cells and microbial ecology, reproductive health, inflammation and tissue repair, and microbiome-based therapies, including prebiotics and postbiotics.

Participants will also discuss advanced research technologies such as organoids, omics platforms and co-culture systems, alongside the ethical and clinical challenges of translating laboratory discoveries into medical practice.

The Summer School is open to physicians, researchers, faculty members and undergraduate and postgraduate students in medicine, biology, biotechnology, nutrition and related fields.

Organizers said the event aims to strengthen interdisciplinary collaboration, promote scientific networking and showcase global developments in microbiome science and regenerative medicine.

In 2002, the research fields at Royan Institute also extended into stem cell studies. Afterward, the research findings were adjusted for application in regenerative medicine and cell therapy approaches.

After three decades, the Royan Institute focuses on increasing the success rate of infertility treatment alongside embryo health and the level of public health through cell therapy clinical services.

During these twenty years of active involvement in sharing and exchanging scientific knowledge and expertise with renowned scientific institutes and scientists, the Royan Congress has helped to form many shared scientific projects and exchanges.

International Reproductive Medicine Congress

The 27th Royan International Reproductive Medicine Congress and the 22nd Royan International Stem Cell Technology Congress will be held in Tehran from September 2 to 4, 2026.

This year, seven specialized workshops and a pre-congress symposium on obesity were held a few weeks before the event for students and researchers, which was well received.

Offering Continuing Medical Education (CME) credits for various medical, paramedical, and midwifery disciplines, the scientific event provides a valuable opportunity for professionals and specialists to update their knowledge in the field.

A total of 515 out of 600 submitted articles are accepted; these involve 129 articles in Reproductive Biomedicine Congress, 195 posters and 16 lectures, 237 articles in Stem Cell Biology and Technology Congress, 220 posters and 17 lectures, and 67 articles in Nursery and Midwifery Seminar, 63 posters and four lectures.

Six selected best articles will be awarded at the opening ceremony of the Congress, which will be held both in person and online.

The event will host 36 lecturers from 19 foreign countries, including Germany (Prof. Janems Adjaye), Qatar (Dr. Mohammad Mostafa Arafa), France (Prof. Laurent David), Austria (Dr. Victori Deneke), Spain (Dr. Nicholas Garrido Pushalt), Italy (Dr. Local Gianiroli), Japan (Prof. Kazuhiro Kawamura), Russia (Dr. Daria Kuznetsova), New Zealand (Prof. Bjorn Oback), and China (Dr. Zhen Liu), as well as 59 national lecturers.

In 2024, a total of 33 international scientists and researchers from the U.S., England, Germany, Austria, Italy, Belgium, Turkey, China, Russia, Japan, Sweden, Switzerland, Qatar, and India presented lectures in the Congress.

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• Iran
• Royan Institute
• microbiome
• regenerative medicine