Sunday, September 06, 2026

Media Diplomacy in Action: CIPCC 2026 Program Brings World to China

TEHRAN- The China International Press Communication Center (CIPCC) program officially commenced its second half of 2026 with an orientation session held on Friday morning at the Renmin University of China (RUC) in Beijing. This flagship initiative, initiated by the China Public Diplomacy Association (CPDA), continues to serve as a vital platform for practical cooperation between Chinese media organizations and their counterparts in emerging markets and developing countries (EMDCs), particularly across the Global South.

The program has demonstrated remarkable growth since its inception in 2014. This year's edition has brought together over 100 journalists from approximately 100 countries for a three-and-a-half-month immersive experience in China.

More Than Media: A Commitment to Development

Media Diplomacy in Action: CIPCC 2026 Program Brings World to China

At the orientation session, CIPCC Director Yu Lei warmly welcomed the participants, emphasizing the profound opportunity before them. "This is a chance for communicators to convey the true and comprehensive reality of China to their various audiences," he stated. He elaborated that over the course of the program, participants would gain a complete, multidimensional understanding of China. Yu Lei emphasized that the program not only focuses on developing media relations with developing countries and Global South nations, but also pursues the goal of assisting these countries in their development. Yu Lei also fielded questions from the journalists, continuing the tradition of open dialogue that has characterized previous editions.

Life as International Students at RUC

The program is structured around six regional press communication centers, each with dedicated coordinators and student volunteers who facilitate training sessions, interviews, and cultural activities. This year, participants are accommodated on the RUC campus, offering journalists a unique opportunity to experience life as international students at one of China's premier institutions for journalism and communication studies.

Iran's Growing Presence in the CIPCC Family

Iranian participation has become a meaningful thread in the CIPCC's expanding tapestry. Following Tehran Times journalists who represented Iran in the 2024 and 2025 editions, a journalist from Iran Daily has now joined the 2026 program. Like their predecessors, the current participant has received an exceptionally warm welcome in China, reflecting the strengthening media ties between the two nations.

Timely Topics, Expert Insights

Media Diplomacy in Action: CIPCC 2026 Program Brings World to China

Following the orientation, participants attended their first lecture delivered by Dr. Zhong Xin, Professor at the School of Journalism and Communication at RUC and Director of the CIPCC-RUC Program. The lecture addressed the recent earthquake along the Nepal-China border, demonstrating the program's commitment to timely and relevant subject matter.

Building Bridges Through Media Diplomacy

The CIPCC distinguishes itself through its comprehensive approach to professional development. As outlined by Director Yu Lei, participants will engage in journalism training, diplomatic programs, cultural immersion, and official visits both within and outside Beijing, including practical training attachments at major Chinese media organizations. Previous editions have included visits to diverse regions including Hebei, Tianjin, and Xinjiang, enabling journalists to witness China's development firsthand.

China's media diplomacy programs have gained significant global attention, complementing its emergence as an economic, technological, and industrial role model. Participants are encouraged to observe China with their own eyes, feel China with their heart, and present to the Global South both ancient and modern China.

Through its commitment to international communication and mutual learning among civilizations, the CIPCC program continues to build bridges between China and the Global South, fostering cross-cultural understanding and accurate storytelling in an era of global transformation.

How journalists navigate the chaos of war

A firsthand account of reporting the 40-day war from the ground

TEHRAN - Journalism is essential in any society, as it provides the information necessary for people to navigate and understand the world around them. This role becomes even more critical during wartime, when the public relies on on-the-ground reporting to distinguish between fact and fiction amid the chaos of conflict. For journalists, covering a war is a uniquely demanding task, as it is rife with existential and logistical challenges rarely encountered during peacetime.

With this in mind, the Tehran Times sat down with Mohammad Neginipour, who recently covered the 40-day US-Israeli war against Iran from start to finish. He shared his first-hand experiences, offered an intimate look at what he witnessed, and revealed the raw realities of reporting from the heart of a war in 2026.

Below is the full text of the interview:

To start, could you explain what it means to be a crisis or war reporter? How does this field differ from other areas of journalism?

To define crisis journalism, we first need to understand what a “crisis” actually is. There are many academic and scientific definitions of crisis. Also, Everyone has their own interpretation. The closest understanding I have is that a crisis is a situation where a specific location is affected by both time and place—meaning that a certain event or condition causes disorder and instability in a particular environment.

For example, we are currently in an economic crisis due to sanctions and pressure, but that doesn’t necessarily fall under crisis reporting unless there’s a specific event that causes chaos — like an explosion, a flood, or a collapse of order — where normal routines are broken and control is lost. In such cases, both the location and the timing are affected by the crisis, and journalists or documentarians can play an active role.

More than defining crisis journalism itself, I believe crisis documentation—paired with artistic and cinematic techniques—has a special importance. It involves creating a documentary that combines journalistic integrity with visual storytelling, often with an artistic or cinematic angle. This form of crisis documentation helps produce a journalistic documentary or film that captures the human and emotional layers of a crisis.

A crisis journalist or documentary filmmaker needs both journalistic skills and film-making expertise: understanding how to use cameras during chaotic moments, how to shoot meaningful shots, and how to structure a compelling narrative. It’s crucial to shoot footage that can be effectively used in editing, where the choice of shots and their emotional impact matter greatly.

It’s essential to understand that working in a crisis situation is fundamentally different from working in normal conditions. For example, right now we’re sitting calmly, talking about crises. What we’re discussing might be a crisis or a conflict, but we’re not inside one. In a real crisis—say, during a missile attack, a riot, or a natural disaster—people react emotionally, sometimes violently. Blood, anger, fear, and chaos are common. 

In such situations, you can’t approach people the same way you do in regular interviews. Someone who has just lost a loved one or witnessed violence may react unpredictably or violently. A crisis reporter must have emotional intelligence and behavioral sensitivity. Understanding human reactions—fear, anger, grief—and how to approach victims and witnesses without exacerbating their trauma is vital.

Without this experience, a journalist or documentary filmmaker can inadvertently worsen the crisis, or fail to handle it properly. I’ve seen cases where a journalist entered a scene without understanding the emotional tension, filming grieving families or traumatized individuals, which often led to anger or violence from them. It’s very important to manage the interaction carefully and respectfully, especially when dealing with grief-stricken families.

During the recent war, when was the first time you left your home or office to cover the situation? Can you tell us about that experience?

The first time I left home was right after the missile strikes on the Leader's office. I went up to the rooftop because cruise missiles were passing overhead. They came very close—about fifty or a hundred meters away—and I filmed them. The sound of the missiles and the jets was very loud, and I documented them from above. 

My first major report was during the explosion at Ferdowsi Square. The site of the explosion was near the police diplomatic headquarters, and opposite it, there was a cultural and film center that was hit. You might have seen footage of the debris falling on civilians. Most military sites are evacuated during war, but many civilian and civilian-adjacent buildings—like the police station or cultural centers—were targeted and destroyed, even if they were apparently empty.

One story that sticks with me is about a woman I saw in a video later sent to me. She said her husband was martyred in the explosion. She was still alive when I filmed her. Later, someone told me her husband died in a secondary explosion. He had gone to help rescue neighbors trapped in the rubble, and the second strike killed him. Many martyrs fall in these secondary phases because no human can stand by and watch others suffer beneath debris without trying to help.

Most of these rescue operations are urgent and life-saving. Emergency teams work tirelessly: controlling bleeding, clearing airways, and trying to save those trapped beneath rubble. But explosive secondary strikes and falling debris often result in more loss of life. Sometimes it takes days or even a week to recover bodies that are buried deep or covered under heavy debris.

Covering war must have been incredibly difficult. If you had to choose the hardest day during the 40 days of fighting, what would it be?

On a personal level, the hardest day was when news about the Leader's martyrdom first began circulating in foreign media. The news brought with it a lot of anxiety and fear. When it was officially confirmed, it felt as if the entire world had turned upside down.

I’ve experienced many tragic scenes—sometimes thousands of our compatriots lost—but the emotional toll was most intense when the reality of these losses hit home. I remember trembling, feeling my heart pounding, and suffering from depression over the images I witnessed. Yet, I kept myself together because I knew that in such moments, the priority is to keep the media coverage going. There will be time to mourn later. Right now, my mission is to report, document, and keep the narrative alive.

Some journalists and documentary filmmakers are highly skilled under normal circumstances, but during a crisis, their mind can become overwhelmed, their thinking clouded. That’s where crisis media practitioners with behavioral training and experience are crucial—they can avoid mistakes that intensify the crisis.

I recall a specific incident when, during a crisis, a colleague from another media outlet was filming grieving families, which caused serious anger. Families yelled at him, sometimes even physically reacted because their emotions were overwhelmed. Such incidents highlight how delicate these situations are and how important it is to approach victims with compassion and awareness.

How do you think crisis journalism or documentary work can continue after the main phase of a conflict? Is the work over, or are there still important stories to tell?

The conflict on the surface might have ended for most people, but for many individuals, trauma and crisis continue. There are still thousands of stories that remain untold—stories of loss, resilience, and survival. Even after the fighting stops, the psychological scars, unhealed wounds, and ongoing struggles remain.

In fact, some of the most compelling stories come after the main events. Many victims have strange or tragic stories—like those of children who lost their parents, families torn apart, or individuals suffering from long-term trauma. These stories need careful, human-focused storytelling. 

A crisis journalist or documentary maker who understands these layers can continue to produce meaningful content, even after hostilities have ceased. It’s not just about covering explosions or battlefield scenes but telling the human stories that are often hidden.

There are also professional journalists who specialize in crisis or conflict now, although most of their work is focused on war zones abroad. We don’t have many war correspondents in Iran who work extensively in conflict zones like Syria or Iraq, but we do have a few—who produce crisis documentaries or cover ongoing struggles.

Lastly, it’s important to acknowledge that the war itself has several layers: beyond the violent chaos and destruction, there is also a narrative of victory. Iran’s resilience and eventual victory are important stories that must also be told, in human terms—stories of mothers mourning their children, or families whose loved ones returned as martyrs. These human stories provide a deeper understanding of victory beyond just military achievements.

As a final point, do you have a message for the Iranian people?

I’d like to say that the biggest mistake we made was disconnecting ourselves from the wider social media and network platforms, and instead focusing only on domestic channels and loyal supporters. This created an echo chamber, excluding many people—especially the moderates and those in the grey zones—so that even when something significant happened, they weren’t part of the larger narrative.

Tehran warns Americans against becoming ‘cannon fodder’ in war on Iran

TEHRAN — Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baqaei has warned Americans against allowing their children to become what he called “cannon fodder” in a war against Iran, after an opinion article in The Jerusalem Post proposed using debt relief as an incentive to recruit young Americans for a potential ground offensive.

In a post on X on Friday night, Baqaei questioned why American families should bear the human and financial costs of a conflict they had not chosen, arguing that offering student-loan and credit-card debt relief in exchange for military service would amount to exploiting the financial pressures facing younger Americans.

“Americans, ask yourselves one question: Why should your sons and daughters be offered debt forgiveness in exchange for fighting and dying in a war Israel wants continued & expanded?” Baqaei wrote.

He was referring to an opinion column published by The Jerusalem Post by AJ Jaff, which outlined three possible approaches Washington could pursue to bring the conflict with Iran to an end. One of the proposals was a federally administered debt-forgiveness program aimed at encouraging military enlistment among young Americans carrying substantial student, credit-card and other consumer debt.

Baqaei said the proposal was an explicit attempt to use Americans’ financial liabilities as a recruitment tool.

“An opinion column in The Jerusalem Post is openly floating exactly that idea: using student-loan and credit-card debt to recruit Americans for war with Iran,” he said.

“Your lives. Your taxes. Someone else’s war. Do not let anyone turn you into the cannon fodder — and the bill — for a war you never chose. Do not let anyone turn your children into mercenaries for their illegal ‘war of choice’,” Baqaei added.

Debt relief as a military recruitment incentive

Jaff’s article argues that the scale of personnel required for a possible ground campaign in Iran would far exceed the current size of the US Army. The author estimated that a successful ground operation could require between 750,000 and 1.5 million US troops, compared with an active-duty Army of roughly 452,000 personnel.

The column proposed a voluntary enlistment program under which the US government could discharge qualifying student loans, credit-card balances, and other debts after a period of military service, potentially alongside expanded educational benefits under the GI Bill.

Jaff argued that such a mechanism could provide an alternative to conventional conscription by linking military service to an immediate and potentially substantial financial incentive for indebted Americans in their 20s and 30s.

The proposal has drawn attention precisely because it links military recruitment to the growing burden of household and consumer debt, turning personal financial obligations into a potential instrument of wartime mobilization. Media coverage of the proposal has described it as a controversial and ethically troubling approach to recruiting personnel for a possible war with Iran.

Iran frames proposal as evidence of the costs of war

Baqaei’s response sought to shift attention from the military dimensions of the conflict to its potential social and economic consequences for American households.

By invoking student debt, credit-card liabilities and taxes, the Iranian spokesman portrayed the proposed recruitment mechanism as an attempt to transfer the costs of a foreign conflict onto ordinary American families.

His remarks also echoed Tehran’s longstanding argument that US involvement in the conflict serves Israeli strategic objectives rather than core American interests.

The exchange comes as the debate over the scale, objectives and sustainability of the war increasingly extends beyond the battlefield to questions of military manpower, public support and the economic burden of prolonged conflict.

Jaff’s article itself argues that US air power alone has failed to resolve the strategic challenge posed by Iran and proposes additional measures involving Iran’s internal political structure, military recruitment and relations between Washington and Beijing.

For Tehran, however, the debt-for-enlistment proposal offers a particularly potent political message: that a prolonged war could eventually force the United States to seek new ways of persuading ordinary Americans to bear its human and financial costs.

Baqaei ended his message by urging Americans to reject an attempt to turn their children into soldiers for a war they had not chosen, warning that the price of such a conflict would be paid not only through public finances but potentially through American lives.

Iran urges BRICS to pursue war crimes accountability

TEHRAN- Iran has called on BRICS judicial authorities to take concrete legal steps against those responsible for 'war crimes and crimes against humanity' committed during two wars of aggression against the Islamic Republic, arguing that international justice must not be subordinated to political power.

Addressing the BRICS Chief Justices’ Forum in New Delhi, Iran’s Judiciary Chief Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Ejei urged member states to condemn violations of Iran’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and to make use of the principle of universal jurisdiction to pursue individuals allegedly responsible for serious international crimes.

The BRICS Chief Justices’ Forum, hosted by India’s Supreme Court from Sept. 4 to 6, is bringing together chief justices, presidents of supreme courts and senior judicial officials from BRICS members and partner countries. Its agenda includes international commercial disputes, cross-border enforcement of arbitration awards, artificial intelligence in judicial administration and sustainable development.

Mohseni-Ejei said the international community needs justice “more than ever,” but warned that justice loses its meaning when it is applied selectively or shaped by political considerations.

He argued that the rule of law should not be sacrificed to geopolitical interests and that the rights of nations should not be determined by their relative power.

The Iranian judiciary chief pointed to BRICS’ growing international significance, describing the grouping as one of the world’s major economic and political formations and saying it has an increasingly important role in the emergence of a new international order.

He noted that BRICS declarations and other documents have repeatedly stressed mutual respect, respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states, the peaceful settlement of disputes and adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter.
Against that backdrop, Mohseni-Ejei said the gap between international legal principles and their implementation had become increasingly evident.

Despite major advances in science and technology, he said, the world is witnessing 'growing violations of national sovereignty, widespread breaches of human rights and international humanitarian law, unlawful unilateral sanctions and increasing pressure on independent states by hegemonic powers.'

Iran seeks international legal response

Mohseni-Ejei said Iran had paid a heavy price for maintaining its independence and accused the United States and Israel of launching “brutal aggression” against Iran during the current and previous Iranian years.

He argued that the attacks should not be viewed merely as a conventional military confrontation, but as an unlawful act with wider implications under international law.

According to Mohseni-Ejei, many Iranian civilians were killed during the conflict, including 168 schoolchildren in Minab on the first day of the offensive. He said the incident represented only part of the casualties and destruction sustained during a 40-day war.

Hospitals, educational and cultural institutions, residential areas and other civilian infrastructure were also targeted, he said, resulting in the deaths of numerous civilians, including women and children.

The Iranian judiciary chief described the actions of the United States and Israel as clear examples of war crimes and criticized international organizations for 'their failure to respond adequately to the alleged violations.'

He said judicial systems and legal institutions had a responsibility to respond when fundamental human rights were violated, civilians were killed or forcibly displaced, civilian infrastructure was destroyed and perpetrators of international crimes escaped accountability.

Mohseni-Ejei called on BRICS judicial authorities to begin by formally condemning 'violations of Iran’s sovereignty and territorial integrity,' particularly in light of the principles enshrined in the UN Charter.

He also urged BRICS members to take practical measures to prevent further violations and invoke universal jurisdiction to pursue those responsible for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during the two conflicts.

Iran backs China’s call for homegrown security architecture for West Asia

TEHRAN — Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf has welcomed China’s call for a new security architecture in the Middle East, saying regional countries must take control of their own security and future and stressing that lasting stability cannot be achieved through arrangements imposed by outside powers.

In a post on X on Friday night, Qalibaf said Beijing’s emphasis on the concept of common security was consistent with a principle Iran has advocated for years.

“China’s emphasis on fostering common security reflects a principle Iran has long championed,” Qalibaf wrote.

“Regional countries must be taking their future into their own hands, and true stability can only come through a new security architecture that is homegrown. Iran stands ready,” he added.

Qalibaf’s remarks came shortly after Chinese President Xi Jinping unveiled a four-point proposal for establishing a new security framework for West Asia during talks with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi in Cairo.

Xi called for a regional security system based on common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security, while urging West Asian countries to strengthen dialogue, reject external interference and take greater responsibility for resolving their own security challenges.

China calls for regional ownership of security

Xi’s proposal places particular emphasis on strengthening the internal drivers of regional security. He said the people of the Middle East should remain “masters of their own affairs” and that countries in the region should take their future into their own hands rather than rely on external powers.

The Chinese president also called for an integrated approach to the region’s interconnected conflicts, arguing that individual crises cannot be addressed in isolation. He identified development as a fundamental pillar of lasting security, while stressing the need to tackle the underlying causes of conflict.

The proposal also calls for stronger international coordination, with the UN Charter and international law serving as fundamental principles for addressing Middle Eastern affairs. Xi urged the international community, particularly outside powers, to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of regional states and avoid applying double standards.

China also expressed readiness to cooperate with West Asian countries in safeguarding international shipping lanes, advancing economic and development cooperation, building mutual trust and addressing the root causes of regional conflicts.

The emphasis on maritime security is particularly significance amid recent disruptions to regional shipping and heightened tensions around critical waterways, including the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most important energy transit routes. Reuters has described Xi’s initiative as part of Beijing’s broader effort to deepen its role in the Middle East amid major shifts in regional security arrangements and uncertainty over the future role of the United States.

Tehran pushes for a regional security order

Qalibaf’s response is consistent with Tehran’s longstanding call for a regional security framework that reduces reliance on extra-regional military powers.

In a separate statement last month, Qalibaf said Iran had received numerous messages from neighboring countries concerning the formation of new regional security arrangements and expanded economic cooperation. He argued at the time that a “homegrown, independent” regional order would be the basis for lasting peace and security.

The latest convergence between Beijing’s proposal and Tehran’s position comes against the backdrop of a rapidly changing regional strategic environment. The war involving Iran, the United States and Israel has intensified debate among Middle Eastern governments over the reliability of existing security arrangements and the extent to which regional states should depend on outside military powers.

China’s initiative also reflects Beijing’s expanding diplomatic engagement in the Middle East. China previously played a prominent diplomatic role in facilitating the restoration of relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, and Beijing has increasingly presented itself as a supporter of dialogue and political solutions to regional disputes.

Xi’s meeting with El-Sisi further underscored Beijing’s effort to deepen strategic relations with Egypt, a major Arab state and an important actor in regional security. 

Development and security seen as interlinked

For Beijing, the proposed security architecture is not limited to military arrangements. Xi has explicitly linked regional stability to economic development, arguing that sustainable peace ultimately requires addressing the economic and political conditions that contribute to instability.

That approach broadly overlaps with Iran’s argument that regional security should be built through cooperation among neighboring states rather than through military alliances dominated by external powers.

Egyptian President El-Sisi, for his part, welcomed China’s position and said Cairo was committed to de-escalation, resolving disputes through political means and advancing regional security and development. Egypt also expressed readiness to coordinate with Beijing on exploring a new regional security architecture.

The emerging discussion therefore goes beyond a diplomatic exchange between Tehran and Beijing. It points to a broader debate over what the Middle East’s security order should look like as regional states reassess traditional alliances and seek greater control over the mechanisms that govern their security.

For Tehran, Qalibaf’s endorsement signals that Iran views the Chinese proposal as broadly compatible with its own long-standing call for a homegrown, independent and cooperative regional security order — one in which neighboring states play the central role in determining the region’s security arrangements.

“Iran stands ready,” Qalibaf said, signaling Tehran’s willingness to participate in efforts aimed at building such a framework.

The Kuhestak tragedy: An unbroken American trail of blood and broken bodies

 By Syeda Farheen Naqi Mossavi

TEHRAN — There are moments when the machinery of war strips away every pretense and leaves only the sound of a mother’s scream.

In the small coastal town of Kuhestak, on a night meant for music, henna, and the shy laughter of a bride, American munitions turned a wedding into a slaughterhouse. Guests in bright dresses and flower garlands had gathered in the home of a simple fisherman to celebrate his daughter’s marriage. Then the roof came down. Four people were torn apart. More than sixty others were left bleeding, many of them children. Among the dead was a four-year-old boy whose small body had to be carried to the grave while his family still heard the music that had been playing only moments before.

This was not an isolated “battlefield incident.” It is the latest entry in a continuous ledger of civilian flesh paid by Iranian, Lebanese, and Palestinian families under American fire. The same Washington that now speaks of “precision” is the same aggressor that reduced the Shajareh Tayyebeh elementary school in Minab to a mass grave on February 28. There, scores of children, most of them young girls sitting at their desks, were buried under concrete and steel. Teachers who stayed to protect them died with them. Parents who ran toward the school never came home. Amnesty International has concluded that U.S. forces were very likely responsible. Human Rights Watch has demanded an investigation as a potential war crime. UNESCO called it a grave violation of international law. The dead numbered in the hundreds of children whose only crime was attending school.

CENTCOM answers in the cold language of military bureaucracy: American forces do not target civilians; precision-guided weapons strike military objectives. Precision describes the path of a missile. It does not erase the blood on a child’s school uniform or the shattered henna on a bride’s hands. Under international humanitarian law, distinction, proportionality, and precaution are not optional. A classroom full of little girls is not a military formation. A wedding courtyard filled with families is not a lawful target simply because someone in Washington decided it was.

The pattern is familiar and sickening. In Gaza and Lebanon, the same explanations are recycled: mistakes were made, civilians were not the intended target, investigations are ongoing. Yet the investigations never produce accountability. The word “mistake” becomes a shield. Victims become statistics. Responsibility dissolves into press releases while parents dig through rubble for pieces of their children.

This is the deeper rot. The International Criminal Court, the International Court of Justice, and the United Nations Security Council fall silent when the accused holds a permanent veto. The principle of distinction does not pause for American passports. The prohibition on disproportionate attacks contains no exception for U.S. national security. When justice depends on the identity of the perpetrator, it ceases to be justice at all.

Every child crushed in Minab, every guest blown apart in Kuhestak, becomes another permanent wound in Iran’s memory. Decades of sanctions, pressure, and targeted killings have not produced surrender; they have produced deeper rage and longer memory. Governments across the Persian Gulf watch closely. If Washington is willing to accept this scale of civilian carnage as the cost of its objectives, the value of its security guarantees collapses.

Kuhestak is not merely another strike. It is a test of whether civilian life still carries any weight in the eyes of the current American decision-makers. CENTCOM’s talk of precision cannot answer the only questions that matter: What intelligence justified turning a wedding into a kill zone? What precautions were taken to confirm a military objective existed inside a house full of celebrating families? Will an independent investigation ever be allowed to examine the evidence without political interference?

Repeating that civilians were not the intended target is not enough. Intent matters, but so do the nature of the target, the precautions taken, and the foreseeable civilian harm. The bombs that destroyed a wedding in Kuhestak must not also destroy the principle that civilian life remains protected in war.

The most devastating silence is not the silence of the rubble. It is the silence of the institutions created to speak when such acts occur. International law cannot remain credible if it keeps quiet. The International Criminal Court (ICC) cannot claim universal jurisdiction if accountability is selective. The United Nations cannot defend a rules-based order while its own machinery repeatedly fails when a permanent member is implicated.

If the strike on Kuhestak was an unlawful attack on civilians, an independent investigation is the minimum demand of justice, not a political favor. If it was lawful, the evidence must withstand open scrutiny. If it was not, those responsible must face consequences.

The dead of Minab and Kuhestak do not need another statement of regret. They need names, evidence, and accountability.

Iran will never forget the classrooms of Minab or the blood-soaked wedding in Kuhestak. The bombs have stopped. The silence of international law has not. When the aggressor can walk away from the bodies of children and wedding guests without consequence, the international community must feel abandoned.

Former US diplomat: Profit-driven foreign policy, American weapons enabled Gaza genocide

 By staff writer

TEHRAN — Hala Rharrit spent 18 years inside the United States State Department. She gave her adult life to American diplomacy. In April 2024, she walked away. She became the first American diplomat to resign publicly over the Biden administration’s actions in Gaza.

More than two years later, she views the institution she left behind as a hollowed-out machinery masking a profit-driven war apparatus.

In an interview with Middle East Eye published on August 31, Rharrit detailed a bureaucracy that systematically ignores war crimes, enriches military contractors, and treats Arab lives as expendable.

Her verdict leaves no room for ambiguity. American diplomacy in the Middle East is dead.

The receipts of complicity

Shortly after October 2023, Rharrit assumed a unique role as the Arabic-language spokesperson.

She says she refused orders to go on television and repeat State Department talking points that ignored Palestinian casualties and destroyed hospitals. Instead, she says she began compiling daily snapshots.

These intelligence briefs summarized Arabic-language media coverage and social media reactions, documenting the visual evidence of the carnage.

According to Rharrit, the reports traveled high up the chain of command. They reached an interagency task force, the assistant secretary for global public affairs, and the seventh floor where Secretary of State Antony Blinken sat.

Rharrit says she stuffed them with viral images of emaciated children and rubble. Career diplomats privately praised her.

Then the directive changed. In January 2024, the Bureau of Global Public Affairs told her the daily snapshots were no longer required. Washington had seen enough.

“At that point, it became evidence, right, of the war crimes,” Rharrit said. “It became evidence of everything that the administration actually did know. We’ve got the receipts. We know exactly what you knew when you knew it.”

A despicable public relations stunt

Recent media appearances by former Biden officials framing themselves as conflicted bystanders draw sharp contempt from Rharrit.

Former National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan and former spokesperson Matthew Miller have publicly expressed regret or conceded that Israel committed war crimes. Rharrit rejects this narrative outright.

“They’re so disgusting,” she said. “Those individuals, particularly Jake Sullivan and a handful of others, actually had the power to save human lives. They actually had the power to stop unconditional arms assistance to Israel.”

The scale of the destruction required Washington’s material support. “The Israelis were not killing the Palestinians by themselves,” she noted.

“The Israelis were killing the Palestinians with American bombs, with American jets, with American everything. We enabled it 100%. They enabled it 100%.”

She categorized their belated apologies as a cynical strategy born out of polling data.

Americans turned against forever wars. The former officials are simply trying to salvage their reputations to secure future employment.

The profit over people paradigm

Rharrit describes U.S. foreign policy through a strict financial lens. The military-industrial complex dictates outcomes. Democratic and Republican establishments both run on defense money.

The “Gaza pier” provides the clearest example of this structural greed. The project cost American taxpayers roughly $250 million. It functioned for barely 20 days.

It saved no one. The parallel airdrop campaign actually killed Palestinians when parachutes failed to open.

“Jake Sullivan did exactly what he was tasked to do,” Rharrit explained. “He made rich people richer. That was his mandate.”

This paradigm requires constant war. A destabilized West Asia allows Israel to pursue territorial expansion while U.S. military contractors secure endless government funding.

The Minab school massacre

This profit-driven model directly paved the way for the U.S.-Israeli war on Iran. Rharrit sees the two wars as a single continuous front.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu sold Washington faulty intelligence, promising easy regime change and access to Iranian oil.

The tactical execution mirrored the worst of the Gaza campaign. Rharrit pointed directly to the American strike on an elementary school in Minab. The U.S. murdered at least 155 civilians in the attack, including over 120 children.

She dismisses the possibility of an intelligence failure or accidental targeting. The U.S. military possesses incredibly precise imaging capabilities. According to Rharrit, the strategy was intentional.

“We took straight out of the Israeli playbook of going straight after school, going straight after children,” she said. The strike was designed as a double-tap operation. “That means we hit. We waited for more people to come, and in this case, it was parents and teachers and other kids, and we hit again.”

The war failed its strategic objective. Rather than sparking a revolution against the Iranian government, the massacre unified the population against foreign aggression.

Now, Rharrit watches her former colleagues go on television to intellectualize the war on Iran. None of them mention the dead children in Minab.

‘They got over Iraq; they’ll get over this, too’

Before finalizing her exit from the government, she met with a highly influential State Department official.

Rharrit says she delivered a final warning. The unconditional support for Israeli atrocities was spawning a dangerous wave of anti-Americanism across the Arab world.

The official offered a chilling response. “They got over Iraq. They will get over this, too,” the official told her, referencing the Arab public.

Over one million Iraqis died due to U.S. sanctions and the subsequent military invasion. That conversation cemented Rharrit’s realization that human life held zero weight in Washington’s strategic calculations.

She harbors no regrets about walking away from her career.

“I am grateful every single day when I wake up that I resigned, that I’m free,” she said. “Nothing for me is worth me [sic] selling my soul.”