Trump to increase his new global tariffs to 15%

US President Donald Trump has said he will impose global tariffs of 15%, as he has continued to rail against a Supreme Court ruling that struck down his previous import taxes, the BBC reported. 

Trump said on Friday that he would replace the tariffs scrapped by the court with a 10% levy on all goods coming into the US.

But on Saturday, he announced on Truth Social that this would be increased to the maximum allowed under a never-used trade law.

That law allows these new tariffs to stay in place for around five months before the administration must seek congressional approval.

The 10% tariffs were set to come into force on Tuesday, 24 February. It's unclear if the increased 15% would also be imposed starting then. 

The new 15% tax rate - a temporary solution under Section 122 of the 1974 Trade Act - raises questions for countries such as the UK and Australia, which had agreed a 10% tariff deal with the US.

Trump said his administration had reached the decision to raise the levy following a review of the Supreme Court's "ridiculous, poorly written, and extraordinarily anti-American decision on Tariffs issued yesterday".

In a 6-3 decision, justices on the highest US court found that the president had overstepped his powers when he introduced sweeping global tariffs last year using a 1977 law known as the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA).

The US has already collected at least $130bn (£96.4bn) in tariffs using IEEPA, according to the most recent government data.

Immediately following the ruling, Trump said that he was "ashamed of certain members of the court" and called the justices who rejected his trade policy "fools".

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Iran is not like any other West Asian country, Turkish researcher says

TEHRAN -- Iran is not at all like any other country in the West Asia. People are very civil, calm, kind, and cultured. Even in the smallest villages, when they realize you are a foreigner, they treat you with complete respect.

Saying the above remarks to Miras Aria, Berna Khorshidi who is a Turkish globetrotter and cultural researcher, added: “Iran was the only country where I did not feel like a stranger,”.

Khorshidi, who has lived and traveled in Iranian cities and villages for years, emphasized: “Entering Iran was the end of my media fantasies. Iran is a country where culture is alive, flowing, and present in the texture of people's daily lives; a land that must be seen, touched, and known for its past.”

Khorshidi, who has gained a deep experience of the cultural life of this land during her three years of residence and travel in Iran, described Iran as another world in a narrative analysis of her observations. A world that, according to her, is significantly different from the common media stereotypes.

She said about her first encounter with Iranian society: “My arrival in Iran was the end of years of the image that the media and the Internet had created of this country.”

Emphasizing the role of people in shaping the true image of Iran, the Turkish traveler stated that the hospitality of Iranians is not a slogan, it is a lived reality.

Khorshidi, who pursued her university studies in Persian literature, said about her connection with the Persian language: “When I chose Persian literature for my studies, I became fascinated with this language. I consider Persian to be the most beautiful language in the world and I speak it with pride and read its texts.”

Referring to the interest of a part of Turkish society in Persian culture and language, she added: “There are also serious enthusiasts of Persian in Turkey, and this capacity can help deepen the cultural ties between the two countries.”

On her travels to the provinces and different ethnic groups of Iran, Khorshidi spoke of a multi-layered experience and emphasized: “I felt a deep sense of closeness with the Turkmen people. You could see the common roots in the behavior and gaze of the people.”

She described South Khorasan as mysterious and different and said: “It was as if I had entered another world.”

Khorshidi also said about Sistan-Baluchestan province: “In one village, I saw that everything was in the hands of women. These cultural contrasts were very interesting and thought-provoking for me.”

According to her, Khuzestan and southern Iran, especially Qeshm island, are examples of the intertwining of cultures: The warmth of the southern people is exemplary. Iran is a country that every time you see it, it feels like the first time.

The cultural researcher said about one of the behavioral characteristics of Iranians: “For Turks, compliments are very strange; they are both beautiful and sometimes confusing. You don’t know if they are a real invitation or a compliment. But this very characteristic is one of the most complex and at the same time most beautiful social behaviors of Iranians.”

Referring to her presence in various Iranian rituals, Khorshidi stated: “I participated in  Muharram mourning,  Zoroastrian rituals, and the Zar ritual in the south. Each one opened a new window to Iranian culture for me.”

She considered the ritual diversity a sign of Iran’s historical depth and cultural diversity and added that Iran should be understood through its rituals.

Comparing the lifestyles in Iran and Turkey, she said: “Iranians have preserved their culture with seriousness. In Turkey, we have gone towards Westernization and have lost some of our traditions, but in Iran you can still see local clothes in the cities. Culture is present in everyday life here.”

Regarding her Iranian culinary experience, Khorshidi stated: “Currently, I cook mostly Iranian dishes. I didn’t like Ghormeh Sabzi (herb stew) at first, but I love Tahchin (Persian rice cake) and Gheymeh Nesar (Qazvin local food). I don’t even cook Turkish food anymore; Iranian food has become a part of my life.”

She considered the UNESCO-listed Shushtar Historical Hydraulic System to be the most amazing place among the historical monuments of Iran and said: “That was one of my most important historical experiences. It is strange that such an important monument is rarely introduced.”

Khorshidi considered the architecture of the Safavid era to be the most inspiring historical era for her and said: “Wherever I saw Safavid architecture in Isfahan, I would sit and watch. Isfahan is a city that should be seen with open eyes and a calm heart.”

She also mentioned the influence of Iranian history on her personal outlook and stated: “Cyrus the Great is an inspiring figure for me. I consider him a symbol of humanity and justice.”

Khorshid emphasized the cultural closeness between Iran and Turkey and said: “Many regions of Iran are still unknown to the Turks.” If these capacities are properly introduced, many tourists will be attracted from Turkey.

She called Iranian handicrafts advanced and diverse and added: “Termeh is the most attractive to me, because of its elegance and silkiness. Copperwork and calligraphy are also valuable because of their natural colors. Iran is a country where art flows in its veins.”

The cultural researcher concluded by advising: “Before traveling to Iran, study a little about its history and culture. If you come without knowing it, you will miss out on a lot.”

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Here’s how Iran sees the US

 By Dr. Ahmad Meidari

On this point, I find myself in deep agreement with Mr. Reich. 

In our ethical and religious tradition, defending the oppressed against the oppressor is not a slogan but a duty. An old maxim, familiar to many Iranians, captures this plainly: Be a pillar of support for the downtrodden. Civilizations are not judged by the reach of their power, but by how that power is exercised. 

There was a time when many Iranians believed the United States embodied this principle. Before the world wars—and long before the Cold War hardened global divisions—America was seen in Iran as a civic republic, guided more by law than by force. That trust was tangible. Following Iran’s Constitutional Revolution of 1905, the country entrusted its most sensitive institution, its treasury, to Americans. William Morgan Shuster and later Arthur Millspaugh were appointed to reform Iran’s public finances; a responsibility no sovereign state assigns lightly. Their presence reflected confidence in American integrity rather than fear of American might. 

This image was reinforced by a more intimate memory. During the constitutional struggle, an American teacher in Tabriz, Howard Baskerville, joined Iranians resisting absolute monarchy. He was killed in 1909 while attempting to break the siege of the city. To this day, his death is remembered in parts of Iran during Ashura commemorations, an extraordinary place to honor a foreigner. Baskerville is remembered not as an outsider, but as someone who crossed a moral boundary to stand against tyranny. His tragic demise was commemorated for years in a folk song: “Three hundred red poppies and one cross among them—we shall never fear death.”

These memories matter because they remind us that hostility between nations is not inevitable. It is constructed, slowly, through deliberate choices, interventions and the erosion of restraint. 

For nearly eight decades now, Iranians and many others across the globe have encountered a different America. From the 1953 coup in Iran to interventions across Latin America and Southeast Asia, U.S. power has appeared less as a guarantor of law than as an instrument of disruption. Iran is not unique in this experience. What distinguishes it is how deeply these events have shaped its national consciousness. 

In recent decades, this perception has only hardened. Wars fought far from American soil, sanctions that hollow out civilian economies and selective applications of international law have steadily eroded the moral authority the United States once claimed. From the ruins of Vietnam to the ongoing devastation in Gaza, images of civilian suffering have come to symbolize power exercised without accountability. 

The threat does not lie solely in one leader or one country. It lies in a convergence of forces: the concentration of wealth and political power, the weakening of democratic constraints, the unregulated advance of technology and the normalization of permanent war. Artificial intelligence, economic policy and national militaries are increasingly deployed as tools of domination rather than as instruments of human progress.

Iran’s resistance to external pressure, particularly sanctions, is often misunderstood in this context. It is not rooted in a desire for confrontation, but in historical experience. The twentieth century offers a stark lesson. After World War I, Germany was economically strangled and politically humiliated. John Maynard Keynes warned that such punishment would not secure peace but prepare catastrophe. His warnings went unhebaeded, and the world paid the price. 

Sanctions imposed without moral and political responsibility follow a similar logic. They do not weaken abstractions called “regimes”; they fracture societies, radicalize politics and suffocate the social forces that make reform possible. The belief that suffering can be engineered abroad without consequence is among the enduring illusions of modern power. 

Iranians know this from experience. We also know the cost of misplaced trust. In recent years, while diplomatic negotiations were underway, assassinations and covert attacks, widely attributed to actors backed by the United States, continued. Negotiation conducted alongside violence is not diplomacy; it is coercion. No society can be expected to regard this as good faith. 

None of this should be mistaken for a rejection of peace. On the contrary, it is precisely because war is so destructive that we avoid paths that make it more likely. Blood does not cleanse blood. What we reject is not compromise, but a version of “compromise” that merely postpones larger wars while entrenching injustice. 

Humanity stands at a threshold. The tools now at our disposal—economic, technological and military—are powerful enough either to accelerate collapse or to enable renewal. The difference lies in whether morality reenters political decision-making as a governing principle, and not simply a rhetorical ornament. 

Civilization does not require uniformity of ideology or culture. It requires restraint, accountability and a shared commitment to human dignity. If that commitment collapses, no amount of power will save us. If it endures, even deeply divided societies may yet step back from the edge. 

Ahmad Meidari is Iran's Minister of Cooperatives, Labour, and Social Welfare

*This article was first published by Newsweek

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Prince Andrew's Epstein arrest: A nightmare the British monarchy can't escape

TEHRAN – The recent arrest of Andrew Mountbatten Windsor, the former Prince Andrew and younger brother of King Charles III, has plunged the British monarchy into an unprecedented crisis.

 On Thursday, Mountbatten Windsor was taken into police custody on suspicion of misconduct in public office, accused of allegedly sharing confidential government information with the late convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein during his tenure as a UK trade envoy. After more than ten hours in custody, he was released under investigation—but the sheer audacity of the allegations has shaken public confidence and reignited long-standing debates over accountability within the royal family.

This arrest is extraordinary in modern British history. No senior royal has faced formal police questioning in centuries. That a brother of the reigning monarch could be arrested and investigated illustrates both the gravity of the claims and the precipitous decline of Mountbatten Windsor’s reputation. According to sources connected to the so-called Epstein files, the former prince allegedly forwarded sensitive government documents, travel itineraries, and reports to Epstein—blurring the line between public duty and personal associations. This scandal follows decades of controversy over his friendship with Epstein and prior sexual misconduct claims, which he has consistently denied.

The impact on the monarchy has been stark and destabilizing. In 2025, Mountbatten Windsor was stripped of his royal title and removed from his Windsor residence, yet he remains eighth in line to the throne. For many, this inconsistency epitomizes the tensions between inherited privilege and public accountability. Calls from politicians and commentators for his formal exclusion have intensified, highlighting a broader unease: in a modern democratic society, should bloodline alone grant immunity from consequence? King Charles has taken an unusually public stance, emphasizing that “the law must take its course,” but even this gesture has not insulated the institution from scrutiny.

The scandal also underscores deeper systemic concerns about privilege, secrecy, and the culture of deference surrounding the royal family. Mountbatten Windsor’s fall from grace has been long and highly public—from a disastrous BBC interview to a costly legal settlement in 2022 with Virginia Giuffre, who accused him of sexual assault as a teenager trafficked by Epstein. Though the settlement did not include an admission of guilt, it symbolically eroded his credibility. Giuffre’s recent death, and her family’s praise for his arrest, adds an emotional resonance that reinforces the stakes: the case is about more than one man’s reputation; it is about justice and the power dynamics that have long shielded elites from accountability.

Yet the monarchy’s reaction has been cautious, almost calculated. While King Charles and other senior royals have expressed support for law enforcement, the institution has largely remained focused on ceremonial duties and official appearances, leaving critics to argue that it has yet to confront the full implications of these scandals. Public support for the monarchy is being tested, and anti-monarchy movements have seized upon the moment to call for reforms that would curtail royal immunity and demand transparency.

At its core, the Mountbatten Windsor scandal exposes the fragile balance between tradition and modernity within the British monarchy. What was once regarded as private indiscretion by a controversial royal has now become a matter of public and legal consequence. The episode raises profound questions: How should an institution built on heredity and privilege answer to democratic norms? Can centuries of inherited power coexist with modern expectations of accountability? And, perhaps most importantly, what does this moment say about a monarchy that has long relied on mystique, discretion, and public deference to survive?

As the investigation unfolds, the British royal family faces a test unlike any in its modern history. The fallout from this scandal is likely to shape public perception for years, if not decades, challenging the monarchy to redefine its role—or risk appearing increasingly out of step with the society it purports to serve.

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UK Parliament to bar King’s disgraced brother from inheriting the throne: Report

The UK government is considering legislation to strip Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor of his right to the throne following his arrest on suspicion of misconduct in public office, The Guardian reported Friday.

Though he was stripped of his “Prince” and “Duke of York” titles in October 2025, Andrew remains eighth in line to the throne and a Counsellor of State.

Politicians across the spectrum, including the Liberal Democrats and the SNP, have called for his formal removal from the line of succession to ensure he can never become King.

Minister for Defense Procurement Luke Pollard confirmed that the government has been working with Buckingham Palace on these plans, which would likely move forward once the current police investigation concludes.

Andrew was arrested on his 66th birthday and held for 11 hours before being “released under investigation.”

The probe focuses on allegations that he shared confidential trade reports with Jeffrey Epstein while serving as a UK trade envoy.

Removing him from the succession would require an Act of Parliament and the unanimous consent of the 14 other Commonwealth realms, such as Canada and Australia.

King Charles has issued a rare personal statement stressing that “the law must take its course” and providing full cooperation to detectives.

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Tariff rebuke and economic slowdown cloud Trump’s key speech

U.S. President Donald Trump will enter his Tuesday State of the Union address weighed down by significant legal and economic setbacks, AFP reported Saturday.

On Friday, the Supreme Court rebuked his use of emergency trade powers, striking down his ability to impose arbitrary tariffs.

Simultaneously, government data revealed the economy grew at a 1.4 percent annual rate in late 2025, missing the 2.5 percent forecast.

While the president claims he has “won affordability,” polls show growing resentment over the cost of living and his aggressive immigration crackdown.

Domestic controversies have further cowed the administration.

After federal agents shot and killed two U.S. citizens, Renee Good and Alex Pretti, during operations in Minneapolis, the White House was forced to scale back enforcement in the city.

Additionally, a racist video depicting Barack Obama as a primate posted to Trump’s Truth Social account drew condemnation from many, including loyal Republicans such as Senator Tim Scott.

On the global stage, Trump has had to moderate his rhetoric regarding the seizure of Greenland, moving toward a U.S.-Denmark-Greenland working group to discuss security.

Following the Supreme Court’s decision, he shifted to a 10 percent across-the-board tariff while decrying the court’s “lawlessness.”

Trump has also warned that a Democrat-led Congress following the November midterms would pursue impeachment.

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• tarrifs
 
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Quran Servants from Different Countries to Be Honored at Int’l Quran Expo

IQNA – The director of the international section of the 33rd International Holy Quran Exhibition said the honoring of the servants of the Quran from different countries will be among the programs of this section.

It will also hold the commemoration of the 1,500th anniversary of the birth of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), Hojat-ol-Islam Seyed Mostafa Hosseini Neyshabouri, who is also the head of Islamic Culture and Relations Organization’s International Quran and Propagation Center, told IQNA in an interview ahead of the opening of the expo.

The 33rd International Exhibition of the Holy Quran will be launched at the Imam Khomeini (RA) Mosalla (prayer hall) in Tehran on Sunday, February 22, 2026.

It will run until March 6 with the slogan “Iran under the Protection of the Quran”.

Q: When will the international section of the exhibition start and how long will it last?

A: The opening of the international section will also take place at the same time as the opening of the domestic section, meaning that the international section will also be held from the very first day of the exhibition.

Therefore, the international section will start on the third of Ramadan and will continue for two weeks.

Q: How many countries and with what products and works will participate in this section?

A: This year, the participating countries will be active in three artistic, scientific and cultural products sections, with about 10 countries, including Turkey, Oman, Egypt and Bahrain, in the art field and seven countries in the scientific field.

Three countries will also present works in the cultural products section with Quranic themes. Altogether, 20 countries will participate in this event.

Q: Has geographical and cultural diversity been taken into account in inviting countries?

A: We have paid special attention to the issue of diversity in inviting countries, and participants from different continents, from African and North African countries, the Arab-Islamic region, neighboring countries, Indonesia, ASEAN countries, and the subcontinent will attend this event.

Q: Given the importance of the international section of the exhibition, will there be a special opening and closing ceremony for this section?

A: The international section of the Quran exhibition this year will open and close at the same time as the domestic section, so we do not have a separate and independent opening and closing ceremony for this section.

Q: Tell us about the details of the programs for the international section. Will meetings and seminars be held in this section like in previous years?

A: This year, we will witness events and initiatives for the first time in the international section, and in addition to honoring domestic Quranic servants, several prominent Quranic figures from outside Iran will be honored in cooperation with the Supreme Quran Council, the Secretariat of the Honoring of Quranic Servants Headquarters, and the Commission for the Development of International Quranic Activities.

These figures have been nominated from different countries. There will also be about 20 unveilings and 20 forums in the international section.

Q: What will be the most important feature or program of this section that will distinguish it from previous years?

A: One of the new works of this section is introducing the Quranic capacities of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the form of clips and brochures in different languages ​​for foreign guests.

We will also hold the fourth Tehran Quranic Conference, in which Quranic scholars from different countries will present their views and give speeches on the topic of “The Quran and the Prophet (PBUH)” on the occasion of the 1,500th anniversary of the birth of the Holy Prophet (PBUH).

Q: Do you have a special guest or new activity in the international section this year?

A: The special guest of this section is Sheikh Abu Jarrah Soltani, an Algerian Quranic scholar who has authored 25 volumes of Quranic commentary, and we will have other guests as well.

Q: As you know, one of the main approaches of this edition is to pay attention to the Quran, Nahj al-Balagha, and Sahifeh Sajjadiyeh simultaneously. To what extent will this issue be considered in the programs of the international section of the exhibition?

A: Activities related to the field of Etrat, such as Nahj al-Balagha and Sahifeh Sajjadiyeh, are not separate topics from the Quran, and the exhibition is an exhibition of the Quran and Etrat. We have activists abroad who are interested in the Quran and Ahl-ul-Bayt (AS) and have worked on common concepts in this field. There are also people who, in line with the explanation of Quranic concepts from the path of the Ahl-ul-Bayt (AS), have engaged in activities in the field of Nahj al-Balagha and Sahifeh Sajjadiyeh, and we will discuss their works in this edition.

We will also witness the unveiling of works in this field, especially those with themes that focus on the jihad of explanation, enlightenment, fighting the enemy, soft war, the war of narratives, and the like.

The Tehran International Holy Quran Exhibition is annually held during the holy month of Ramadan by the Iranian Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance.

With various programs including specialized sessions, educational workshops, Quranic gatherings, and activities tailored for children and teenagers, the international event aims to promote Quranic concepts and activities.

The exhibition also serves as a platform to showcase the latest Quranic achievements in Iran and a variety of products dedicated to the promotion of the Holy Book.