Tuesday, April 07, 2026

Iran: East of Suez, West of Hormuz? The Question That Will Define the Next Era

 By Jeremy Salt

The Strait of Hormuz is a critical chokepoint through which around 20 million barrels of oil pass daily. (Photo Illustration: PC)

Will ‘west of Hormuz’ share historical space with ‘east of Suez’ as a defining act that changed the balance of global power? The answers to these and other questions should not be long in coming.

In February 1960, the British Prime Minister, Harold MacMillan, made an historic speech in the South African parliament. “The wind of change is blowing through the continent,” he said. “Whether we like it or not, the growth of national conscience is a fact.” He did not say it outright, but apartheid was unacceptable to the British government, which had in fact accepted it since it was officially declared in 1948. In the future, the UK would not stand in the way of independence movements.

Of course, it did, and he was only talking about the African continent anyway and not the Middle East, where, in 1956, the US had humiliated the UK by forcing it to end the ‘tripartite aggression’ launched against Egypt in collaboration with France and Israel only ten days earlier.

In 1946, the UK had declared its intention to withdraw from Palestine, not out of the goodness of its heart but because it could no longer afford to stay there. It was pulling out of India and other colonial possessions for the same reason.

World War Two had left it virtually bankrupt and dependent on US financial aid. Empire was a luxury it could no longer afford.

In 1960, the devaluation of the pound was the trigger for the declaration by then Prime Minister Harold Wilson and defence minister Denis Healey that British troops would be withdrawn from bases ‘east of Aden,’ which had been in British hands since 1839. Basically, they were referring to the bases in Malaya (Malaysia) and Singapore, but those in the Persian Gulf were also included.

In time ‘east of Aden’ was taken to mean the closure of all military bases ‘east of Suez.’

However, while the British lion had lost its teeth, it had not lost its appetite and was never going to accept the loss of status as a great power.

As Anthony Eden, the prime minister at the time of the Suez war, had remarked, he would rather go to war than allow Britain to be reduced to the level of second-rate countries like Portugal or the Netherlands. He did go to war, and was humiliated.

In fact, the British never withdrew ‘east of Suez’ and never intended to. It dominated the Persian Gulf in the 19th century, occupying Aden in 1839 and maintaining its grip through subsidized tribal shaikhs who headed the ‘Trucial States’. In 1971 Britain relinquished its control of foreign policy and these states became independent, if only in name, as the UAE (United Arab Emirates).

Oman, Kuwait, and Bahrain remained outside this arrangement but remain tied militarily either to the US or the UK. The UK had a naval base in Bahrain from 1935. In 1971, it was taken over by the US, but in 2014, the UK established a permanent naval base ‘east of Suez’ at Mina (port) Salman in Bahrain. In 2024, it opened an air base at Al Minhad, close to Dubai in the UAE.

The US and the UK share a military base on the island of Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean Chagos Islands. From 1968-1973, the inhabitants of the entire Chagos archipelago were forcefully removed so these two governments could use their homes as a launching pad for war.

In the Mediterranean, ‘east of Suez’ never applied to Cyprus, snitched from the Ottoman government in 1878 in return for a pledge to defend the Ottomans in the event of an attack by Russia and maintained as a military base ever since. In 1914, the Ottoman Empire was attacked by Russia, but by then Britain was its ally. It ruled Cyprus until its independence in 1960.

In the past two years, the RAF base at Akrotiri in Greek Cyprus has been used for regular surveillance flights over Gaza to help Israel. Israeli troops were training in Cyprus several years ago because its mountainous terrain is similar to that of southern Lebanon.

Where all of this dovetails into the war on Iran is that the Iranian government has demanded a full US withdrawal from the Persian Gulf as one of its conditions for ending the war. This would have to imply a UK withdrawal as well. What Iran wants is an end to the entire western military presence, and a withdrawal ‘west of Hormuz’ that would be the parallel to the withdrawal ‘east of Suez.’

In fact, the UK never fully withdrew ‘east of Suez’ and it is even less likely that the US would agree to Iran’s demand that it withdraw ‘west of Hormuz.’ Empires don’t go down without a fight. Withdrawal ‘west of Hormuz’ would not be existential for the US as a country, but it would be for the collective ‘west.’

For half a millennium, every ‘western’ empire has had its turn in raping the east through war, intimidation and economic exploitation. Britain, France, Spain, Italy, Portugal and the Netherlands all jumped in for their chop over the past five hundred years before being forced to retreat and settle for comfortable late empire retirement.

Now the US seems close to the end of its run, which is why, of all the demands made by Iran, withdrawal ‘west of Hormuz’ is non-negotiable for the US. Retreat would be the acceptance of defeat.

It would push an already tottering American empire off its plinth. Furthermore, the last gasp on the deathbed of ‘western’ global domination would almost be audible. No one would be left with the will or the power to pick up the fallen American banner.

Yet this demand is non-negotiable for Iran as well. Nearly 50 years have passed and it cannot live any longer at the point of the ‘western’ sword.

This epochal moment in history compares with Suez and no doubt many other occasions in history as the long run of the powerful approaches its end.

In the past several weeks, Trump has offered terms that are not subject to negotiations because they are an ultimatum. ‘Accept these terms or we will obliterate you.’ This is a scarcely veiled variation of the Mafia ‘offer you can’t refuse’ and what puzzles Trump is that Iran is not accepting.

Having started this war, Trump, behind the bluster, seems to want to get out of it, but does not know how. A large part of his problem is that Israel wants the war to continue, with the full support of the US, because without it, Israel cannot continue the fight. Its strong advantage is the Zionist billionaires who fund Trump and a Congress bribed and bought out long ago by the Israel lobby.

There seems no negotiated way out but sooner or later, under the accumulating pressure, something has to give way.
The wild card in the pack, of course, is Israel. It does not want the war to end, not just until the Islamic government is destroyed but until Iran is either broken up into ethno-national statelets or returned to the slave status that lasted until 1979.

This goes beyond what the US thinks is feasible, at least what sound military and strategic minds think is feasible. The truth seems to be dawning on Trump, but he is impaled on Israel’s hook and Israel is not going to let him wriggle off it. This is his own fault. He made his own pact with the devil long ago and now the billionaire Zionists who funded him all the way into the White House are calling in the debt.

The Islamic Republic of Iran was never an existential threat to Israel. Its opposition was based on principled legal and moral support for the Palestinians. Had the Palestinians ever been offered a judicious settlement, and had they accepted it, Iran would have accepted it, too, but such an offer was never made.

Israel was never going to share what it had stolen. It always wanted more. Its road to ‘peace’ was genocidal force against the Palestinians and anyone who would dare stand against it.

That policy has now completely unravelled. Its own military-strategic decline began long ago. Over-extended militarily at several levels, it has now finally started a war that has bounced back in its own large-scale destruction.

Both Yemen and Hezbollah have joined the war. The destruction of scores of Merkava tanks in southern Lebanon is unprecedented. Israel’s own chief of staff says the military is exhausted and suffering a manpower shortage so acute it is at risk of “collapsing in on itself.”

This is a scare attack designed to bring into the army those avoiding military service. At the same time, there is no doubt that the military is overstretched. The ‘existential threat’ Israel has always used as a pretext for its wars is now real, but brought on by Israel itself.

Trump’s public standing in the US is fast heading to rock bottom. Narcissistic, blaming everyone else for his own folly, turning on European allies who are rapidly turning against him, can Trump somehow resist being pulled deeper into the vortex by Israel, and if he can, what will Israel do then?

Or is he still fully onside with Israel, with his talk of negotiations and maybe ‘walking away’ from the Strait of Hormuz a ruse giving him time to marshal US forces ahead of a land attack on Iran intended to seize strategic territory?

Will ‘west of Hormuz’ share historical space with ‘east of Suez’ as a defining act that changed the balance of global power? The answers to these and other questions should not be long in coming.

– Jeremy Salt taught at the University of Melbourne, at Bosporus University in Istanbul and Bilkent University in Ankara for many years, specializing in the modern history of the Middle East. Among his recent publications is his 2008 book, The Unmaking of the Middle East. A History of Western Disorder in Arab Lands (University of California Press) and The Last Ottoman Wars. The Human Cost 1877-1923 (University of Utah Press, 2019). He contributed this article to The Palestine Chronicle.

The Rise of the Spokesman: How Abu Obeida, Saree, and Zolfaghari Made Words a Battlefield

By Palestine Chronicle Editors

Ibrahim Zolfaghari, Abu Obeida, and Yahya Saree. (Photos: video grab. Design: Palestine Chronicle)

From Gaza to Yemen to Iran, military spokesmen have emerged as central figures in a transformed, unified battlefield.

The current phase of war in the Middle East has not only redrawn military maps—it has redefined how war itself is articulated, perceived, and embodied.

What was once described as the “unity of squares – has evolved into something far more concrete: a ‘unity of battlefields’.

Overlapping conflicts have driven this transformation—the ongoing genocide in Gaza, the widening regional confrontations, and most decisively, the US-Israeli aggression on Iran beginning February 28.

The result is not merely coordination. It is simultaneity: Missiles launched from Yemen align with operations in Lebanon. Statements issued in Tehran echo those emerging from Gaza. Military timelines intersect, narratives converge, and the war begins to function as a single, interconnected space.

This shift—from conceptual alignment to tangible, synchronized warfare—has also produced a parallel transformation: the emergence of new kinds of figures who represent this war.

People’s Voices

One layer of this transformation is rooted in the visibility of ordinary people.

Across Gaza, Yemen, Lebanon, and Iran, men, women, and children have produced some of the most powerful and widely circulated narratives of the war. Their testimonies—often recorded in real time—have reshaped how events are understood, bypassing traditional media structures.

These voices have become iconic in their own right.  They reassert a fundamental principle: that history is not only written by institutions or states, but also articulated by people themselves.

Through social media, these individuals have turned lived experience into political discourse, often reaching audiences far beyond their immediate surroundings.

But while these voices are central, they exist alongside another, more structured phenomenon.

The Spokesman

At the forefront of this second layer stand military spokesmen.

Figures such as Abu Obeida in Gaza, Ibrahim Zolfaghari in Iran, and Yahya Saree of Ansarallah in Yemen have moved far beyond their formal roles as conveyors of information.

They do not simply announce operations. They embody them.

Each appearance is not just a briefing—it is an event. Each statement is not merely descriptive—it is performative, strategic, and deeply embedded in the broader logic of the war.

Their tone, language, timing, and even physical presence form part of the battlefield itself.

When Abu Obeida declared that “the shortest way to liberate the prisoners is through resistance,” he was not simply making a tactical argument, but reaffirming a long-standing doctrine that places armed struggle at the center of political outcomes.

When Yahya Saree repeatedly emphasized that operations “will continue”, he was not merely describing military continuity, but situating Yemen within an expanding, unified confrontation that stretches beyond its borders.

And when Ibrahim Zolfaghari addressed US forces directly, warning that they could become “food for the sharks of the Persian Gulf,” he was projecting a language of deterrence that bypasses mediation and speaks directly to adversaries in their own political and psychological space.

Each of these statements operates beyond information. It is a signal.

Iconic Presence

What distinguishes these figures is not only what they say, but how they are received.

Abu Obeida, the military spokesman of Al-Qassam Brigades, has become one of the most recognizable figures associated with the Palestinian resistance. His carefully structured statements, delivered with consistency and clarity, resonate far beyond Gaza.

Yahya Saree, speaking on behalf of Yemen’s Ansarallah, has similarly established a steady presence, announcing operations that are explicitly framed within a broader regional alignment.

In Iran, Ibrahim Zolfaghari has introduced a different dimension—multilingual communication that directly addresses multiple audiences, including Israeli society itself, collapsing linguistic distance and reinforcing psychological impact.

Their words travel instantly. Their tone is studied. Their pauses, repetitions, and formulations become recognizable patterns.

They are quoted, clipped, translated, and redistributed across platforms.

Their presence generates expectation.

Their absence raises questions.

Beyond Individual

Perhaps the most striking aspect of this phenomenon is that it does not depend on the individual alone.

Following the assassination of Abu Obeida, a new figure emerged under the same name—continuing the role with remarkable continuity in tone, cadence, and presence. The transition was seamless.

Nothing essential changed. This continuity suggests that Abu Obeida is no longer merely a person. He is a constructed presence, sustained by a broader institutional and cultural framework.

A voice that can be reproduced. A figure that can be reinhabited. The same applies, in different ways, to Saree and Zolfaghari. They function not only as individuals, but as expressions of a collective identity.

Language as Power

Central to this transformation is the role of language. These spokesmen do not simply communicate facts. They structure meaning.

Abu Obeida consistently frames resistance as the decisive factor in shaping outcomes, linking battlefield action to political consequence.

Saree situates Yemeni operations within a wider geography of solidarity, where each strike is part of a broader moral and strategic framework.

Zolfaghari, in turn, employs direct, often multilingual messaging that collapses the distance between speaker and audience, reinforcing the immediacy of the confrontation.

Language, in this context, becomes a form of action. It shapes perception, influences morale, and contributes to the overall conduct of the war.

The New Role

The evolution of these figures reflects a broader shift in the role of the military spokesman.

Traditionally, the spokesman was a mediator—someone who translated battlefield developments into public information. Today, that role has expanded significantly.

The spokesman is now a strategic actor.

His presence carries weight beyond the content of his statements. His credibility, tone, and consistency contribute to shaping how the war is understood, both regionally and globally.

A Collective Symbol

Ultimately, the significance of figures like Abu Obeida, Zolfaghari, and Saree lies in what they represent. They are not isolated personalities. They are part of a wider phenomenon that reflects the convergence of battlefields, narratives, and public perception.

In a moment defined by fragmentation, they provide continuity. In a landscape shaped by competing narratives, they offer a consistent voice.

And in a war that spans multiple fronts, they embody the idea that those fronts are no longer separate.

They are one.

(The Palestine Chronicle)

Iran foiled US attempt to steal enriched uranium under cover of rescue operation

Crescent International

Photo of wreckage of American planes released by Iran
Under the cover of ‘rescuing’ a downed airman, the US operation was meant to steal Iran’s enriched uranium according to Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baghaei on April 6.

He said that there were “many questions and uncertainties” about the ‘rescue’ operation.

“The area where the American pilot was claimed to be present in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Province is a long way from the area where they attempted to land or wanted to land their forces in central Iran,” Baghaei said.

“The possibility that this was a deception operation to steal enriched uranium should not be ignored at all.”

He added that the operation was “a disaster” for the US.

Iran’s military said several US aircraft had to “make emergency landings” in southern Isfahan province after being hit during the mission, with the US “forced to heavily bombard the downed aircraft” as a result.

The Iranian version was corroborate by a US official speaking to The Washington Post, who admitted that US forces had to blow up two C-130 cargo planes and at least two MH-6 “Little Bird” helicopters as they were departing Iran.

Iran had said their forces destroyed the US aircraft in Isfahan, central Iran.

The number of planes shot down or destroyed also points to a deception operation that failed.

On April 3, Iran shot down an American F-15E fighter jet.

Both crew members ejected from the plane.

The same day, two A-10 Warthogs were also shot down as well as two Black Hawk helicopters.

While a search operation was launched for the two crew members, the location of the downed planes in Isfahan province lends credence to Baghaei’s statement.

It also explains why Donald Trump hit such a rage because the operation he launched to steal Iran’s uranium which is believed to be in Isfahan, was foiled.

In one day, the US lost several planes.

These included one F-15E, two A-10s, two Black Hawk helicopters and two transport planes.

Surely, the two transport planes hundreds of miles away from where the airman was shot down down were not needed.

While Trump claimed it was a ‘daring’ search and rescue operation, Iran’s military called it “a deception and escape mission,” insisting it was “completely foiled.”

Enraged by the failure, Trump resorted to crude language surpassing his usual vulgar standards railing against Iran.

Even the British tabloid press was appalled at his use of such foul language.

The Daily Mirror, for instance, said the president has stooped to a “childish new low” with the post, which it describes as “gutter-mouthed”.

Its headline said: “Unhinged”.

In his April 1 televised address, Trump had claimed “Iran’s navy has been obliterated, its airforce has been obliterated and its missiles and launchers have been obliterated.”

With all the Iranian forces and defences “obliterated”, one wonders how Iran managed to shoot down not one but at least six US aircraft in a single day?

For the record, Iran has also shot down not one but two F-35 stealth bombers.

The F-35s are supposedly so sophisticated that they cannot be detected by radar.

Yet, Iran’s air defences shot down two of them.

Trump’s total failure has sent him into a fit of rage.

More disasters await him as he continues to bomb civilian infrastructure including universities, schools, bridges, hospitals and refineries in Iran.

All these constitute war crimes.

Donald TrumpIRGCIslamic Republic of IranUS war crimesUS has lost the warUS planes shot down