Tuesday, August 18, 2026

Trump seeking scapegoats after failed military gamble on Iran

TEHRAN - The unfolding geopolitical fallout from the unprovoked US-Israeli military aggression orchestrated against the Islamic Republic of Iran has exposed profound, irreparable fractures within Washington’s network of international alliances, revealing a unilateral intervention bogged down in strategic failure and desperate miscalculations. 

Recent declarations from Washington regarding the scaling down of joint military drills with South Korea—enacted directly in the wake of Seoul’s steadfast refusal to participate in the conflict—underscore the acute isolation facing the White House. Far from the swift, decisive intervention initially envisioned by the architects of the campaign, the aggression has devolved into a protracted entanglement that mirrors the textbook hallmarks of a classic forever war, leaving leadership scrambling for offramps, pointing fingers, and searching desperately for scapegoats.

Prominent international relations scholars, including Professor Robert Kelly of Pusan National University, have highlighted the transparent mechanics behind these developments in statements to Al Jazeera. Commenting on the situation to the Doha-based news network, Kelly noted that Trump’s decision to scale back planned military drills with South Korea is directly linked to his failure to win the war on Iran. Describing the intervention, Kelly stated that "Trump started that war" and expected it to go pretty quickly, anticipating a kind of "drive-by-conflict" similar to previous short-lived maneuvers, only for it to blow up into a massive, slow-motion, tit-for-tat spiral.

Furthermore, Kelly emphasized that the conflict is now beginning to look like what Americans call a "forever war," with Trump "stuck" and searching for someone to blame. Pointing out how US allies have consistently served as convenient instruments for that purpose, Kelly remarked that Trump has attacked NATO similarly in the past. Highlighting Seoul's position, Kelly observed that the South Koreans did not really participate in the war and were not consulted, illustrating the immense struggle leadership faces in trying to extract itself from the quagmire.

Stuck in an escalating spiral of unintended consequences, the US administration has increasingly turned to its traditional playbook of coercion, threats, and recrimination against international partners who decline to endorse unilateral adventures. South Korea’s principled choice to remain outside a conflict that threatens regional peace, energy supplies, and global economic stability has been met with retaliatory administrative maneuvers under the flimsy guise of strategic realignment. This pattern of diplomatic friction is hardly novel; past friction with European allies within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization followed a nearly identical trajectory whenever sovereign nations balked at joining ill-conceived foreign campaigns. By demanding uncritical alignment and punishing non-compliance, Washington demonstrates a fundamental inability to accept multilateral autonomy or respect the legitimate security priorities of its sovereign allies.

The intense friction over joint military exercises highlights an even deeper structural crisis regarding alliance management and regional diplomacy. South Korea, situated in an extraordinarily delicate security environment in East Asia, has zero incentive to embroil itself in a distant, resource-draining conflict in West Asia that directly undermines international law, regional peace, and global stability. Seoul’s refusal to participate in the so-called denuclearization campaign—which serves as a thin diplomatic euphemism for aggressive economic warfare and military pressure against Tehran—reflects a growing global consensus rejecting unilateral militarism and hegemony. Deprived of genuine multilateral support and trapped by the escalating costs of its own policy failures, the US administration continues to hunt for external scapegoats to mask the fundamental miscalculations that plunged the entire region into crisis.

Iranian, Iraqi Scholars Meeting in Baghdad Stresses Muslim Unity

IQNA – A meeting of Sunni and Shia scholars from Iran and Iraq was held in the Iraqi capital of Baghdad on Friday.

A meeting of Sunni and Shia scholars from Iran and Iraq was held in the Iraqi capital of Baghdad

It was organized after the Friday prayers at the al-Quds Grand Mosque in Baghdad.

Speakers at the meeting emphasized the significance of Islamic solidarity with the axis of Husseini thought against the oppressors of the world.

Sayed Abdul Qadir Alusi, the head of the Jamiat Ulema of Ribat Muhammadi in Iraq, in his speech emphasized the unity of Islamic scholars from all countries, and said, “Our intellectual foundations and the movement of Islamic thinkers and scholars must be based on the axis of unity and solidarity, and this is more necessary than anything in today's conditions of the Islamic world.”

He added, “We have one Quran, one Prophet, one Qibla, so what should be the first priority on the agenda of the scholars of Iraq, Iran, Lebanon, Egypt and all countries and all schools of thought from Hanbali and Shafi'i and all segments of the Kurds, Turkmen and others is solidarity and resistance against the enemies of Islam.”

This Sunni scholar stated that if the Islamic solidarity, emphasized by the Quran and the Holy Prophet (peace be upon him), is weakened, the oppressive powers will turn to weakening Islam and will damage the essence of resistance in the Islamic world and will weaken the Islamic Ummah.

He went on to say that the resistance has always revolved around an important pole throughout history and in the contemporary era, and the leaders and commanders of the Islamic resistance, from Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis to Seyed Hassan Nasrallah, from Martyr Soleimani to the martyred Leader of the Islamic Revolution, all moved around this pivot in their movements, which is the personality and movement of Imam Hussein (AS).

Ayatollah Ahmad Molabghi, a member of Iran’s Assembly of Experts, was another speaker at the meeting.

He said the unity of the Umamah is the basis for the realization of the unity of worship.

Ayatollah Molabghi added that according to the Holy Quran, the Islamic Ummah is not simply a mental concept or an abstract ideal; Rather, it is a social and historical truth.

“The Quran also does not stop unity at a lower level. The unity of a tribe, the unity of a religion, the unity of a group or a movement, although it may be valuable in its own right, is not the ultimate horizon of the Quran.”

He added that the Quran wants unity to be a characteristic of the entire Ummah, not a characteristic of a part of the Ummah against another part.

He emphasized that the nation either has unity and as a result is powerful, or it is caught in the whirlpool of conflict and slowly loses its existential capital.

Tehran municipality official highlights restoration of war-damaged heritage sites

 By Afshin Majlesi

TEHRAN – Ali Shamsipour, head of the Urban Research and Planning Center of Tehran Municipality, has highlighted plans and ongoing efforts to restore heritage sites damaged during the recent war involving the United States and the Israeli regime.

He noted that studies conducted by the center on historical buildings damaged during wars and crises have focused on ways to preserve and restore the sites while also identifying new functions for them.

“The restoration of historical buildings damaged during wars and crises should not erase all traces of the events that affected them.” Shamsipour, said during a press conference on Sunday.

He said documenting the effects of war on historic buildings was an important part of the studies, stressing that restoration should not remove every sign of a historic event.

“Some traces of that damage can be preserved as historical memory,” he said.
Elsewhere in his remarks on center’s responsibilities, he said turning a research idea into an implemented project is a lengthy process that involves designing the research project, conducting the study, preparing a report and eventually putting its findings into practice. The process can sometimes take several years, he added.

Some completed studies have been translated into operational programs, including research on urban sports that resulted in the development of an action plan for Tehran Municipality, Shamsipour said.

He added that the center's approach was to ensure that research goes beyond the reporting stage and is converted into applicable knowledge and effective decisions for urban management.

Calls for clearer responsibility for Tehran's historical heritage

Shamsipour also called for greater attention to Tehran's historical identity and clearer responsibilities for protecting and managing its historical buildings, sites and urban areas.

He said responsibility for many historical buildings is currently divided among different government bodies, with no single authority fully accountable for their protection.

Municipalities can only be fully accountable for the preservation and maintenance of a city's historic heritage if the necessary powers and responsibilities are also assigned to them, Shamsipour added.

Shamsipour also said the center had undertaken several research projects on neighborhood-based planning, including initiatives focusing on mosques.

Some of the projects have been completed, while others are still being implemented or undergoing further study. 

Regarding the center's academic publications, Shamsipour said not all studies are necessarily turned into books because some are conducted primarily for managerial and policymaking purposes.

The center's editorial and translation committee nevertheless seeks to publish academic books and reference works on urban management, he said.

“The center's main objective is to extract “urban knowledge” from research projects and turn it into practical solutions for addressing real problems facing the metropolis.” 

Referring to challenges such as traffic congestion and air pollution, he said the evaluation of urban management measures should consider the entire chain of research, decision-making, implementation and impact assessment.

During a visit in June to the UNESCO-listed Golestan Palace, which was damaged by shockwaves from US-Israeli missile strikes, Shamsipour had also called for a broader understanding of heritage resilience.

He said resilience should extend beyond the physical preservation and restoration of monuments to encompass their social, cultural and human dimensions.

Attacks on cultural sites can create new layers of historical memory and cultural significance, he said, adding that places associated with wartime events may themselves eventually become part of a nation's cultural heritage and collective identity.

Saudis Paying Social Influencers to Wage Psycho War against Yemen: Ansarullah

IQNA – Riyadh is paying social influencers to wage a psychological war against Yemen, a senior member of the Ansarullah resistance movement said.

Mohammed al-Farah

This comes amid desperation following Yemeni armed forces’ operations in response to the ongoing aggression and blockage against their homeland.

Mohammed al-Farah, a member of Ansarullah’s political bureau, wrote in a post published on his personal account on X that the move is aimed at distorting facts, poisoning the world public opinion, and weakening the internal front through media and digital tools.

Farah stated that certain content creators had consented to act as instruments for foreign interests in return for monetary rewards.

He stated that the association of certain influencers with the aggressive Saudi regime has resulted in a decrease in their popularity and a considerable erosion of their credibility.

Farah further noted that audiences have progressively begun to perceive them as instruments used in media campaigns, despite having previously held a position of widespread trust among their followers.

The member of the Ansarullah political bureau stated that past experiences have shown that numerous individuals who previously held significant influence in the digital realm diminished their status after altering their positions and engaging in media campaigns that support Saudi Arabia.

He stated that the alteration had negatively influenced their reputations and deprived them of the power they once wielded in society.

Farah stated that utilizing influencers in these campaigns does not represent a true benefit for them; rather, it harms their reputation and status, putting them at odds with public opinion, which scrutinizes their actions and evaluates them based on how well they align with national interests.

He called upon content creators to maintain their status and the respect they have earned.

The Ansarullah official emphasized that a reputation founded on ethical principles holds greater worth than any temporary financial benefits, as regaining lost public trust can prove challenging in the future.

On July 20, the Sana’a government announced a maritime blockade against Saudi Arabia, asserting that its authorities have imposed “an unjust and oppressive siege” on Yemen for nearly 12 years, “plundering our resources and implementing a complete blockade.”

Subsequently, the Yemeni Armed Forces stated that they have begun targeting Saudi commercial vessels in the Red Sea.

Since March 2015, Saudi Arabia and its Arab allies have imposed a blockade on Yemen, initiating a comprehensive war, supported militarily, politically, and logistically by the United States and various Western nations.

The war has resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands of Yemenis, while persistently failing to achieve its primary goal of reinstating Yemen’s previous regime that was aligned with Riyadh.

After a tenuous ceasefire brokered by the UN in 2022, the United States, Britain, and the Israeli regime launched multiple acts of aggression against Yemen. These assaults aimed to undermine Sana’a’s ability to conduct solidarity strikes against Israeli targets in retaliation for Tel Aviv’s genocidal campaign in the Gaza Strip.

IRGC deputy chief: Iran has downed over 200 enemy aircraft since war began

TEHRAN — Iran successfully defeated its adversaries while spending only a fraction of the resources allocated by its opponents on weapons and military operations, a senior commander of the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) stated.

"The system based on Velayat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist) was able to manage a war at one-hundredth of the enemy's expenditure, ultimately securing victory for the fighters of Islam," IRGC Deputy Commander-in-Chief Major General Mostafa Izadi said on Monday during a ceremony dedicated to honoring journalists. His remarks referenced the 39-day unprovoked conflict involving the United States and Israel that initially commenced on February 28.

General Izadi lauded reporters as the "commanders of the cognitive war" who hold a pivotal position on the battlefield. He emphasized that hostile forces suffered defeat in this domain because those active in soft warfare consistently neutralized adversary plans.

The senior commander noted that hostile actors actively attempted to destabilize the Islamic establishment and empower counter-revolutionary factions, asserting, "We stood firmly against this conspiracy." Despite numerous concerted efforts to weaken the nation, Iran not only withstood the pressure but emerged more resilient than before, he added.

Highlighting the capabilities of Iran's armed forces during the US-Israel-imposed conflict, General Izadi reported that more than 200 enemy aircraft were brought down.

Furthermore, he praised the steadfastness of the Lebanese resistance movement Hezbollah against six opposing Israeli army divisions, describing it as a critically important and valuable achievement.

General Izadi underscored the effectiveness of Iran's governance in confronting its adversaries, pointing out that the world's leading military power, alongside regional allies and NATO-backed support, entered the conflict against Iran, yet the nation endured and maintained its resolve.

He attributed this success to Iran's "strategic patience and stable governance," which ultimately guided the country to victory. While adversaries continue attempts to isolate Iran through economic pressure and naval blockades, Izadi maintained that "it is the enemy itself that is on the path to collapse."

The United States and Israel launched their second war of aggression against Iran on February 28, marked by the assassination of the Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, alongside several high-ranking military commanders.

In retaliation, Iranian armed forces launched 100 waves of counterattacks over 39 days, inflicting significant damage on US and Israeli military assets.

Following the April 8 ceasefire, Washington and Tehran announced a Pakistani-mediated memorandum of understanding (MoU) on June 17 designed to halt military operations across multiple fronts—including Lebanon—reopen the Strait of Hormuz, and lift the naval blockade on Iran. However, subsequent violations of the agreement by Washington prompted a decisive response from Tehran.

Sheikh Qassim Slams Some Arab, Muslim States’ Subservience to US, Israel

IQNA – Bahrain’s top Shia cleric condemned some regional Arab and Muslim states for contributing to US and Israeli efforts to deepen divisions across the region.

Ayatollah Sheikh Isa Qassim

Speaking about recent regional developments and the state of the global Muslim Ummah (Nation) on Sunday, Ayatollah Sheikh Isa Qassim sharply criticized the subservience of a number of Arab and Muslim states to Washington and Tel Aviv.

“It is no secret to any of the ... regimes in the Arab and Muslim world that the United States and the Zionist regime have sinister and conspiratorial positions, agendas, and plans. We are witnessing a poisonous culture of division being promoted through their media with the aim of dismantling the unity of the Muslim Ummah,” he stated.

“Such an approach is intended to deepen divisions among official regimes at the regional and national levels, with an intense focus on religious and sectarian dimensions in order to create the most severe forms of discord and to perpetuate the creation of problems and the outbreak of destructive and incendiary conflicts,” he added.

The cleric said that substantial financial resources are being devoted to these “conspiratorial plans,” whose objective is to fuel destructive and devastating conflicts that drain the resources of Arab and Muslim nations and target their common existence.

Despite being aware of the ongoing conspiracy, a significant number of the regional countries participate in fomenting conflicts and civil wars while presenting them as disputes rooted in sectarian or religious differences, he said.

The conduct of these countries, he added, amounts to a willingness to see the Arab and Muslim world be consumed by conflict.

“They take pleasure in seeing the Arab-Islamic world burn, and their eyes will not be satisfied until the Arab and Islamic peoples become like humiliated slaves, submitting to the will of American hegemony and tyranny and that of the usurping Zionist regime.”

Yemeni-Saudi escalation: The core problem and key solution

 By Ali Minabi

TEHRAN – The Yemeni equation is based on escalation in response to escalation and pressure in response to pressure, to compel Saudi Arabia to fulfill the obligations of peace and end the aggression and blockade.

The “escalation for escalation” equation adopted by the government in Sanaa did not emerge out of nowhere. Rather, it took shape over many years of Saudi aggression, an unjust blockade, and severe economic and humanitarian pressure. 

From Sanaa’s perspective, the international community has failed to address the root causes that have kept Yemen facing crises, and has often been more preoccupied with condemning Yemeni reactions than with addressing the root causes behind them.

For this reason, the Yemeni Armed Forces (YAF) have come to view military pressure as a means of imposing a corresponding equation: blockade for blockade, pressure for pressure, and escalation for escalation. This also includes preemptively striking Saudi troop and military build-ups before they can be deployed in support of the Saudi-backed forces inside Yemen. 

The stated aim of all these equations is to push Saudi Arabia to fulfill the obligations of peace, end the ongoing aggression and blockade, and address all outstanding issues arising from the war.

The most striking paradox is that many international and Arab positions detach Yemeni operations from their context and treat them as the starting point. At the same time, they ignore the circumstances that produced them. When the YAF responds to the blockade, escalation, or Saudi military build-ups, statements of condemnation follow, along with warnings about threats to “security,” “peace,” and “navigation,” while the underlying reasons that prompted the YAF to respond receive nothing like the same attention.

This double standard places the victim in an unfair equation. Sanaa is repeatedly asked to stop its response, while the same pressure is not brought to bear on the Saudi Kingdom, which bears primary responsibility for the aggression and blockade and for the humanitarian and economic catastrophe they have produced. 

The continuation of this regional and international double standard also reflects an attempt to establish a narrative in which the Yemeni response is the problem, while the causes of that response are not open to discussion, or, when they are, they are presented in a manner deeply unfair to Yemen and Yemenis. 

Whenever the YAF applies pressure to secure their rights, they are falsely accused of “serving the Iranian agenda,” followed by waves of condemnation and denunciation. 

Instead of addressing the roots of the problem and fulfilling the obligations of peace, Riyadh has moved toward widening the circle of escalation and forming countless alliances and coalitions that serve no purpose other than prolonging the crisis without resolving it.

Saudi Arabia continues its efforts to expand its network of “defensive” alliances, even though historically it has been in the position of attacking and waging aggression rather than defending itself, including its agreements with Turkey and Pakistan. 

From Riyadh’s perspective, these moves are an attempt to strengthen deterrence and reshape the regional balance of power. Sanaa, however, maintains that bringing additional regional parties into the conflict will neither create deterrence nor change the essence of the problem. 

The YAF, it says, will not be deterred or halt its operations, drawing on the grievances of an entire people, an unprecedented mandate, and recent experience with the “Prosperity Guardian,” the “U.S.-Israeli alliance,” and others against Yemen.

This means that expanding military alliances cannot deter the Yemenis or dissuade them from continuing legitimate actions aimed at restoring their just and rightful rights. 

Should these alliances pave the way for escalation, they will not be able to impose a new reality that the Americans, British, and the Israeli regime failed to impose. Instead, they will push Sanaa to develop broader, more consequential, and more painful equations of response and deterrence. 

Saudi Arabia should reconsider its calculations and study previous experiences, which have demonstrated that military force and pressure have failed to break the will of the Yemenis. They have also shown that increased pressure may, in turn, produce an increased response rather than surrender. Events have demonstrated this, and it has been reaffirmed at various levels of the leadership in Sanaa.

About a month of Saudi measures included comprehensive escalation through aggression, blockade, and military mobilization in Marib, Mokha, Hadramout, and elsewhere. This was met with Yemeni retaliatory operations targeting ships and Saudi oil facilities, as well as military build-ups in Mokha, Marib, and Hadramout.

The UN Special Envoy for Yemen, Hans Grundberg, delivered a briefing that appeared aligned with the Saudi-American narrative.

In his latest briefing to the Security Council, his focus was on the outcome, which Sanaa says is a legitimate Yemeni response to a “threat,” while failing to name or even refer to Saudi Arabia. Nor did the briefing give the causes and underlying factors the space and attention they warranted. Instead, it appeared to seek to grant the Saudi Kingdom a certificate of absolution and innocence for its aggression and blockade against Yemen, along with their consequences and the responsibilities and obligations arising from them.

As if to avoid criticism, the briefing relegated humanitarian and economic issues, foremost among them the airport, port, salaries, and roads, to the margins, presenting them as negotiable issues subject to bargaining, procrastination, and delay that could last even longer than the war itself. Yet for millions of Yemenis, these are fundamental obligations that can no longer tolerate further stalling after four years of de-escalation.

The result is that such a briefing and such an approach do little to address the essence of the problem. Instead, they attempt to contain its consequences, condemn the Yemeni response, warn of its “risks,” and then call on the parties, without naming Saudi Arabia as a principal party, to negotiate, without establishing a clear end to the causes that produced the escalation in the first place.

It is mistaken to interpret Yemeni operations as an end in themselves or to link them to other contexts in the region and the world. The Yemeni struggle was shaped over 12 years of aggression, blockade, and extreme economic and humanitarian pressure. Sanaa ultimately became convinced that the use of force was a necessary option to compel the Saudis to fulfill the obligations of peace under the roadmap produced through Omani mediation and UN sponsorship, or to make Riyadh bear the cost of continuing its aggression and blockade.

Sanaa stresses that the operations will not end through the announcement of more alliances and threats, but by ending the causes that prompted them. If Saudi aggression and blockade end, pressure on border crossings, the economy, and resources ceases, and the outstanding humanitarian and economic issues are resolved, Sanaa says it will halt its operations against Saudi Arabia. 

In practical terms, Riyadh has several options, foremost among them two: either continue its policy of pressure and military alliances, a course that has already proven its failure and futility and will raise the cost of confrontation for Saudi Arabia without achieving its objectives, or return to de-escalation understandings, fulfill the required obligations, address the roots and causes of the problem, and resolve the outstanding issues of the war.

The latter is the most realistic, most beneficial, and least costly option, because the cost of war will remain higher than the cost of peace, and experience has demonstrated this.