Do not pay attention to Epstein client Tom Barrack's claims about the US "installing" Imam Khomeini into power

BasiraPress

"O you who have faith! If a vicious character brings you some news, verify it, lest you should visit [harm] on some people out of ignorance, and then become regretful for what you have done." Qur'an 49:6

Every single person who makes a claim about Iran being secretly controlled opposition often has quite a colorful history themselves and is under the wing of the Epstein empire and Jewish supremacy.

Let's have a look at those who have repeated this claim that the US allowed the Islamic Revolution to happen:

— Sean Stone, son of Oliver Stone: openly admitted to being a freemason on his "Buzzsaw" conspiracy research TV show. Currently sells "spiritual consultations" on his website for $333.

— Sibel Edmonds. A similar alternative media disinformation agent. She will make claims like that but then turn around and shill for Erdogan and Turkey, who is a NATO member state and normalizes with the Zionist regime, and whose modern founder Attaturk secretly practiced Jewish Kabbalah.

Various other disinfo agents like Alex Jones and others also have repeated this claim. In short, only dubious characters make this claim.

Barrack the pedophile is only making this claim to feed into this disinfo and ruin Iran's reputation as an independent country and give ammo to sectarian discourse so people can accuse Iran of secretly being X, Y, and Z in order to cope for the fact that Gulf "Sunni" monarchies are openly slaves of the US and Jewish supremacy.

What is the reality? The US indeed reduced its support for the Shah because his ego was getting to his head and he wanted to exert more sovereignty, but the US knew the Shah's regime could not survive because the public was greatly dissatisfied with the Shah because their economic situation was in shambles while the Shah hosted lavish palace parties for the wealthy and foreign dignitaries paid with the public's money, plus a Mossad-trained secret police known as SAVAK that would kidnap, torture, and kill people.

They knew his fall was inevitable because the uprising of the people was organic and unstoppable. The US didn't manufacture the discontent against the Shah and since they couldn't stop it from happening, despite the brutality of the US/Zionist-trained SAVAK, they tried to manage it so they could install their own puppet, but their puppet was not Imam Khomeini or the Islamic Revolution, but other groups and leaders.

Don't think the victory of the Islamic Revolution cemented the Islamic Republic into power fully. It was still weak, nascent, and vulnerable. Many groups could have vied for power and with US support, they could have succeeded, or at least created enough chaos to make it Libya and Syria decades before Libya and Syria happened.

To that effect, the US backed several groups like the MEK and others to assassinate leaders. If the US wanted Imam Khomeini and the Islamic Republic, why were all its high-ranking officials and founding fathers martyred through bombings made by US and Zionist backed groups? The author of the constitution, Martyr Beheshti, was assassinated in a bombing that killed dozens of other officials and civilians. One of the highest ranking Islamic philosophers, Shaheed Mutahhari, was assassinated. The US even tried to infiltrate the government, with the first president Bani Sadr having taken the bait and willingly became a CIA agent. After Bani Sadr was removed from the government (escaping Iran before he could be hanged), the first authentic and people-oriented president, Mr. Rajai, was also assassinated along with his prime minister, Ayatollah Bahonar. Every single important person to the leadership of the Islamic Revolution was assassinated. 

Did the US ever do that to their actual puppets like ISIS or Al Qaeda? Jolani is still alive, and most AQ and ISIS leadership are alive, and if they are assassinated, it is after many, many years after fulfilling some benefits to the US, not up front.

Martyr Ayatollah Khamenei survived several assassination attempts, one of which left his right hand paralyzed for the rest of his life.

The US also got Saddam to attack Iran and provided him with chemical weapons. They hoped that with internal assassinations and terrorism, plus external military invasion, the Islamic Republic would collapse and they could put a true puppet in power who was neither the Shah nor the Islamic Republic.

Usually puppets bring benefits to the US and "israel." What did the Islamic Revolution bring for them other than humiliation? US occupation forces in Lebanon were rightfully kicked out of the region by a retaliatory attack on their barracks. "Israeli" forces were kicked out of Beirut, forced to the south, and then kicked out of the south in 2000 and again in 2006. Occupying American terrorists went home in bodybags in Iraq due to the IEDs the IRGC gave to Iraqi resistance groups. And now the collapse of the American empire and the international Zionist network is being accelerated due to the Islamic Republic.

Compare to an actual puppet like Jolani who opens the floodgates for Syria to have its natural resources swallowed whole by Blackrock, allows Syrians to get Visa cards so they can drown in interest-bearing debts, allows its airspace to be used to attack independent Muslim nations, cooperates with Mossad, and doesn't attack "israel."

Epstein clients like Barrack have a knack for trying to slander the independent image of Islamic resistance in the region in order to cause despair and pessimism among those who are seeking freedom from the Epstein empire. Epstein client Ehud Barak is also largely responsible for the myth that "israel created Hamas."

Aside from being peddled by dubious characters, from Epstein clients to controlled opposition "alternative" media personalities, and having zero basis in reality, this notion also stems from orientalism and liberal supremacy. The idea that any system other than one of the various flavors of liberalism is evil and a dictatorship, they romanticize the time of Mossadegh's liberal democratic rejection of US hegemony and would prefer that, so they think any other system than a western-style democracy must be suspicious.

Additionally, it helps to build the invincibility mythos of the US and "israel," by saying that no one could ever possibly resist against them, and that Asiatics are a bunch of barbarians who could not possibly do anything against them, unless the genius Jews and Europeans create an opposition for them. That the Americans and Zionists can never be attacked, let alone defeated, and if they are attacked, then well they attacked themselves! No, this Satanic enemy is not invincible, and people of West Asia are not just pea-brained barbarians who can't do anything for themselves. They have the agency to form their own organic movements and inflict pain and wounds on these Satanic powers. Despair and abject pessimism is also a form of Satanism, because Satan wants us to despair and be eternally pessimistic, because it is rejecting God's mercy and saying God would leave us alone without any hope in this world to overcome the tyrants. 

Those who think the tyrants will disappear by some miracle when Jesus Christ shows up are living in a fantasy, in fact God is delaying the return of Jesus' precisely because the people are not ready nor worthy of it because they are complicit in the systems of the tyrants and are not fighting against them. The Islamic Revolution taught us that true spirituality is a combination of action plus reliance on God's additional help. God only helps those who helps themselves. He only helps those who serve on His path, rather than aiding the devils on this earth. He requires us to first act righteously, which includes resisting against tyrants, before He aids us with various miracles. God, Imam Mahdi, and Jesus Christ are not babysitters who change our diapers and clean our mess!

Do not believe the words falling off the dirty tongues of pedophiles like Tom Barrack and Ehud Barak.

@BasiraPress

Beyond Iran’s famous cities: villages that deserve a place on every traveler’s itinerary

TEHRAN - Iran’s historical cities are renowned for their grand mosques, Persian gardens, traditional bazaars and Silk Road heritage. Yet beyond the familiar destinations of Isfahan, Shiraz and Yazd, to name a few, lies another side of the country: a landscape of mountain villages, ancient mud-brick settlements and rural communities whose traditions offer a different perspective on Iranian life.

Scattered across the country’s mountains, valleys and desert margins, these places reveal the diversity of Iran’s geography, architecture and cultural heritage. Some are easily reached on a day trip from a nearby city, while others require more time and effort to explore. Together, they offer travelers an opportunity to look beyond the country’s best-known attractions and discover the character of its rural regions.

Kandovan, life inside volcanic rock

In northwestern Iran, Kandovan stands out for its unusual architecture. Located near Tabriz, the village is known for its cone-shaped rock formations, in which generations of residents have carved homes and other living spaces.

Often compared with Cappadocia in central Turkey, Kandovan belongs to a small group of settlements where people have continued to inhabit rock-cut dwellings into modern times. Its distinctive landscape, shaped by volcanic activity and centuries of human adaptation, gives the village an appearance unlike that of most Iranian settlements.

Unlike archaeological cave sites preserved primarily as historical attractions, Kandovan remains a living community. Its homes illustrate how residents have adapted traditional building practices to the surrounding geology and climate.

The village is also one of the more accessible rural destinations for travelers visiting Tabriz, making it a convenient introduction to Iran’s countryside.

Palangan, a village climbing the Kordestan’s mountains

In Kordestan province, western Iran, Palangan is celebrated for its stepped architecture and dramatic mountain setting. Traditional houses rise above one another along the slopes, creating a compact settlement that appears to grow out of the surrounding terrain.

The village offers a glimpse into rural Kurdish life, including local food traditions and the close relationship between communities and their natural environment. Its river, mountain scenery and stone-built houses make it a popular destination for visitors from nearby areas.

Local restaurants serving river fish provide an opportunity to sample regional cuisine, while the surrounding hills offer a setting for walking and exploring.

Palangan is among several stepped villages found across the Kurdish mountain regions of western Iran. Although some rural settlements in the area remain relatively difficult to reach, Palangan can be visited from nearby urban centers, including Sanandaj, with onward travel arrangements.

Masuleh, where rooftops become streets

Further north, in Gilan province, Masuleh offers another striking example of architecture adapted to mountainous terrain. Its traditional houses are built along a steep slope, with the roof of one building often serving as a walkway or courtyard for the house above it.

The arrangement gives the village its distinctive stepped appearance and makes pedestrian movement an integral part of its architectural character.

Set amid the mist-covered mountains of northern Iran, Masuleh is known for its humid climate, lush surroundings and frequent clouds that drift through the settlement. Its popularity among domestic travelers means that its streets can become crowded, particularly during busy travel periods.

Nevertheless, walking trails leading into the surrounding mountains offer opportunities to escape the busiest areas and appreciate the landscape. Within the village, rooftops and narrow paths remain important spaces for everyday encounters, reflecting a strong sense of community.

Masuleh is therefore both a scenic destination and an example of how traditional settlements developed in response to steep terrain and local living conditions.

Gazor-Khan, gateway to the Alamut Valley

For travelers interested in history and mountain landscapes, Gazor-Khan in Qazvin province offers a combination of both. The village is best known as the gateway to the ruins of the UNESCO-listed Alamut Castle, a fortress associated with the Nizari Ismaili community, whose members became known in medieval sources as the Assassins.

Perched high above the Alamut Valley, the fortress occupied a strategic position and became an important center of the Nizari Ismaili state. Its history is closely associated with Hassan-i Sabbah, who established his base there in the late 11th century.

The Mongol campaign led by Hulagu Khan resulted in the fortress's capture and destruction in the 13th century. Although much of the original structure has disappeared, the remaining ruins and surrounding mountain scenery continue to attract visitors.

Beyond the historic site, Gazor-Khan is a quiet mountain village surrounded by orchards, including apple, apricot and cherry trees. In spring, flowering trees add color to the landscape, while hiking routes provide opportunities to explore the valley.

The journey requires more planning than a visit to villages close to major cities, but the combination of history, scenery and rural life makes it a rewarding destination.

Abyaneh, a living link to Iran’s past

Located near Kashan, at the foot of Mount Karkas, Abyaneh is among Iran’s best-known historic villages. Its red earthen buildings, wooden balconies, narrow lanes and traditional dress give it a distinctive appearance.

The settlement is often associated with Iran’s pre-Islamic past, although its long history spans multiple periods. Its architecture reflects the use of locally available materials, particularly the red soil that gives the buildings their characteristic color.

Abyaneh is also notable for the preservation of elements of local language and cultural traditions. Some older residents speak a distinctive local dialect, while traditional clothing remains an important part of the village’s cultural identity.

Men have traditionally worn dark coats and loose trousers, while women’s clothing is known for its colorful patterns and white headscarves. These customs provide a visible connection to regional traditions that have endured alongside broader changes in Iranian society.

Abyaneh’s popularity, however, has brought challenges. Visitors can fill its narrow streets, particularly during peak travel periods, and the village can sometimes feel more like an open-air heritage site than an ordinary rural community.

Nain, desert heritage beyond the main tourist routes

Between Yazd and Tehran, Nain offers a quieter encounter with Iran’s desert heritage. Although technically a small town rather than a village, it deserves attention for its historic architecture and relatively understated place on many travel itineraries.

The town is known for its historical Jameh Mosque, an old bazaar, traditional water reservoirs and the remains of Narenj Castle. Together, these structures reflect the architectural and engineering traditions that helped communities survive in Iran’s arid central regions.

Traditional water reservoirs, known as ab-anbars, were designed to store water for use during dry periods. Along with other water-management structures, they demonstrate the importance of adapting settlement patterns and architecture to scarce water resources.

Parts of Nain’s historic fabric have deteriorated, and some old buildings remain in poor condition. Yet the town’s less commercialized atmosphere can offer a different experience from more heavily visited heritage destinations.

Its contrast between historic quarters and newer neighborhoods also reveals how traditional settlements have evolved as residents adapt to contemporary life.

Kharanaq, traces of an ancient Silk Road settlement

Northeast of Yazd, Kharanaq is known for its abandoned mud-brick settlement and atmospheric ruins. The village developed along historic travel routes and is associated with the network of settlements that supported movement across central Iran.

Its old buildings, narrow alleys and earthen walls form a dense architectural landscape. Some structures are believed to date back many centuries, although the history of individual buildings varies.

Walking through the abandoned quarter offers a sense of how communities once organized their homes and passageways in a desert environment. From elevated points, visitors can see the settlement against a backdrop of surrounding mountains and open terrain.

The ruins are also vulnerable. Weathering, erosion and uncontrolled visitor access can accelerate the deterioration of fragile earthen structures. Exploring the area responsibly means avoiding unstable buildings, staying on established paths where possible and respecting any restricted areas.

Kharanaq can be combined with visits to Meybod and the Zoroastrian pilgrimage site of Chak Chak, making it a possible addition to a wider itinerary from Yazd.

Meybod, desert architecture and ingenious design

Meybod, another historical settlement near Yazd, offers a broader view of the architectural traditions of Iran’s central desert. Although it is a town rather than a village, its historic structures make it a worthwhile stop for travelers interested in the region’s cultural heritage.

One of its principal attractions is Narin Castle, a large earthen fortress whose origins extend back into antiquity. The town also preserves traditional water reservoirs and a historic pigeon house.

Pigeon houses were constructed to shelter birds and collect their droppings, which were used as agricultural fertilizer. Their design reflects the resourcefulness of communities that relied on locally available materials and developed practical solutions to meet everyday needs.

The pigeon house in Meybod is among the notable surviving examples of this building tradition in Iran.

Together, the castle, water-storage structures and pigeon house illustrate how architecture in the desert served practical purposes while also becoming part of the region’s distinctive cultural landscape.

Why Iran’s rural destinations matter

Exploring Iran’s villages and smaller historic settlements offers more than a change of scenery. These places reveal how people have adapted to different environments, from the volcanic formations of the northwest to the steep mountains of Kordestan and the water-scarce landscapes of the central plateau.

Their architecture reflects local responses to climate, geology and available resources. Their languages, clothing, food and customs also demonstrate the country’s regional and ethnic diversity.

For travelers whose itineraries focus on Iran’s famous cities, adding even one or two rural destinations can broaden their understanding of the country.

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Restoration of Sassanid reliefs at Naqsh-e Rostam nears completion after three decades

TEHRAN – The restoration of Sassanid-era bas-reliefs at Naqsh-e Rostam, one of Iran’s most significant archaeological sites, is approaching completion after a conservation effort that began in the 1990s, with work continuing on a relief depicting Shapur II, a site official said.

Mostafa Rakhshandehkhoo, head of the Naqsh-e Rostam complex and supervisor of its conservation and restoration workshops, told the Iranian Students’ News Agency (ISNA) that restoration work on more than eight Sassanid bas-reliefs had been pursued over several decades to preserve their historical and artistic value.

The ongoing work on the relief of Shapur II represents a decisive stage in the long-running effort, bringing the restoration program close to its final phase, he said.

Rakhshandehkhoo stressed that conserving historical monuments involves more than physical intervention. It requires detailed studies, expert assessments, informed decision-making and the careful application of appropriate conservation methods.

“The primary objective is to preserve the authenticity of the monument, control damaging factors and create conditions that will help ensure its long-term survival,” he said, according to ISNA.

He added that preparing a restoration plan suited to the condition of the Shapur II relief, as well as reviewing and approving it through the relevant authorities, was particularly important. Work based on an approved plan and carried out in accordance with professional conservation standards helps ensure that interventions are appropriate to the monument’s specific circumstances.

The official said the experience gained over decades at Naqsh-e Rostam demonstrated the importance of sustained conservation efforts, technical expertise and careful monitoring in protecting archaeological remains.

Historical monuments are exposed to various damaging factors over time, he said, making long-term planning essential to preserving them for future generations. He added that the value of the project lay not only in bringing restoration work to an end but also in the methods used, adherence to scientific principles and responsibility toward cultural heritage.

Rakhshandehkhoo added that the experience could serve as a model for other conservation projects, emphasizing that understanding the characteristics and condition of each monument and selecting suitable techniques were essential to avoiding unnecessary interventions and improving the durability of restoration work.

A record of Sassanid power and artistry

Naqsh-e Rostam, located in Fars province near Persepolis, contains monuments from several periods of ancient Iranian history. The site is particularly notable for its Achaemenid royal rock-cut tombs and Sassanid bas-reliefs carved into the cliff face.

The Sassanid Empire, which ruled Iran from 224 to 651, left an extensive artistic and archaeological legacy. The reliefs at Naqsh-e Rostam depict royal ceremonies, military victories and scenes associated with the authority of Sassanid rulers, providing important evidence for understanding the period’s political history and artistic traditions.

The site’s rock-cut monuments stand alongside the tombs attributed to Achaemenid kings, making Naqsh-e Rostam an important archaeological landscape spanning different eras of ancient Iranian civilization.

Its reliefs are more than works of art; they are historical records that help researchers investigate royal representation, political power and the cultural traditions of the Sassanid period.

The site’s proximity to Persepolis, the ceremonial capital of the Achaemenid Empire and a UNESCO World Heritage property, further underscores its significance within Iran’s archaeological heritage.

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Another Round Against Iran Will Break What Is Left of the Gulf

Larry C. Johnson

Washington and Israel are talking again about “finishing the job” in Iran. Before they do, someone should take a hard look at the bill for the jobs already done. My friend Karl Miller, who has called this region correctly more often than most of the people paid to do it, sent me his latest assessment on Monday. His conclusion is blunt: on the current course, another round of escalation is coming, and the countries paying for it will be the ones that never got a vote.

The Gulf is being bled dry

Start with the people who are supposed to be America’s partners. The IMF’s October outlook reads like a casualty report. Kuwait’s economy is forecast to shrink 16.7 percent this year. Qatar’s will shrink 15.6 percent, and Bahrain’s 11.3 percent. The UAE, long sold as the region’s safe haven, is now expected to contract 3.9 percent, a seven-point swing from the IMF’s April forecast. Saudi Arabia is forecast to shrink 3.3 percent. The only Gulf economy still growing is Oman, and that is because its ports sit outside the Strait of Hormuz.

These are not paper losses. Qatar lost two LNG trains at Ras Laffan in March, about 17 percent of its export capacity. QatarEnergy says the repairs will take three to five years and will cost it roughly $20 billion a year in revenue. Saudi Arabia’s escape route around Hormuz, the East-West Pipeline to Yanbu, is crippled. My sources tell me four of its 11 pumping stations are severely damaged and out of service. Riyadh now projects a deficit of 4.9 percent of GDP, is borrowing to cover it, and has frozen non-essential spending.

Miller explains why this is worse than the headline oil price suggests. A damaged plant produces nothing to sell, but the payroll, the debt payments and the repair bills keep coming. A plant that is still standing but cannot get parts in or cargo out is in almost the same position. A $108 barrel of oil is worth nothing if you cannot ship it. And the cash the Gulf states used to invest at home and abroad is vanishing fast. If a government takes in 100 and must spend 70, it has 30 left over. Cut income to 80 and that cushion drops to 10. A 20 percent hit to revenue wipes out two-thirds of the money for everything else.

The Gulf states bought American protection to safeguard exactly this wealth. Instead, as Miller puts it, they have ended up paying for the costs of American strategy. That is a bargain they will not keep making forever.

A new round means a deeper shortage

Now consider what another round of American and Israeli strikes would do to a world that is already short of energy. Oil flows through Hormuz are running around 11.6 to 11.9 million barrels a day, against a pre-war level of about 17 million. Middle Eastern fuel exports are below half of what they were before the war. The International Energy Agency says diesel will stay tight well into 2027, and that the diesel stocks already burned will not be rebuilt before the second half of that year. Brent is around $108, up more than 75 percent from a year ago.

Every escalation so far has followed the same pattern. Iran answers by tightening its grip on Hormuz. Its allies in Yemen widen their target list. Gulf facilities that were patched together get hit again before they earn back the cost of repairing them. That is the cruelest part of Miller’s analysis: repeated attacks make repairs pointless, because nobody will spend billions restoring a plant that may be destroyed again next month. A new campaign will not reopen the Strait. It will close it further, take more Gulf capacity offline, and push diesel back toward September’s record of more than $200 a barrel, just as Europe heads into winter. France and Italy are already rioting over the cost of living. Imagine them in February.

Israel’s dark future

Miller’s harshest judgment is reserved for Israel, and it deserves a full hearing. He believes Israel will never recover from what it has done in Gaza, which a UN commission of inquiry concluded last year was genocide. In his words, the state is “done economically. It is done politically. It is done morally.” That is strong language, but the argument behind it is not hysteria. It is about how a state wears itself out.

His reasoning runs like this. Israel’s leadership has bet everything on military domination: hit every opponent hard enough that no one dares resist. Force can win battles, but it cannot make anyone accept the result. Every campaign therefore creates the need for the next one. Opponents rebuild, resentment grows, and the circle of countries willing to stand with Israel gets smaller. So the government doubles down with more force, because the alternative, accepting real limits on occupation and on its treatment of the Palestinians, threatens the political project it is defending. War becomes a way to postpone the reckoning, not avoid it.

The cost is already showing. The IMF says Israel’s economy is about 9 percent smaller than it would have been without the war. The budget deficit is heading to 6.2 percent of GDP, and public debt is on track to reach about 74 percent of GDP by 2031. Reservists are pulled from their jobs again and again. Israelis are already fighting over who carries the burden, with ultra-Orthodox men still far less likely to work or serve than everyone else. Foreign investors and partners grow more cautious with each campaign. Miller’s warning is that Israel’s project could become unsustainable long before its military power runs out. A country can keep its tanks and jets and still lose the economy, the alliances and the legitimacy it needs to survive. That is the dark and uncertain future he sees, and I find it hard to argue with.

Trump says Russia is doing nothing. Lavrov says otherwise.

Which brings me to the President’s latest reassurance. On October 13, Donald Trump said he does not believe Russia or China is helping Iran. On Sunday he went further on social media, insisting that “Russia is doing very little to help the Islamic Republic of Iran, compared with what it could be doing,” if it is doing anything at all, and that he wants it to stay that way “unless some stupid people get in the way.”

Less than a day later, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov stood next to Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi in Tehran and said the opposite. “I am confident that Iran’s cause, like Russia’s, is a just cause,” Lavrov declared. He said Russia “has no intention of abandoning the implementation of agreements with Iran in the economic and investment spheres,” and recommitted Moscow to the 20-year strategic partnership that formally took effect on October 2. He announced that Russian specialists will return to the Bushehr nuclear plant. He called for Hormuz to return to pre-war conditions, and tied that to protecting Iran from renewed attacks. Before landing in Tehran, he called Trump’s approach “wrong.”

To be fair to the President, Russia has not gone to war for Iran, and the partnership treaty does not require it to. There is no mutual-defense clause. But that is a lawyer’s distinction. Russia’s foreign minister does not fly into a capital under threat of attack to call its cause just by accident. Add the reported Russian satellite data reaching Iran’s allies and the steady improvement in the accuracy of Iranian and Houthi missiles, and the picture is of a partner that is careful, deniable and very much engaged. Moscow does not need to fire a shot. It only needs to keep Iran standing while America bleeds its Gulf allies and Europe’s economy.

The bill comes due

If Washington and Israel launch another round, they will be betting that this time force produces a settlement. Three years of evidence says it will not. What it will produce is deeper Gulf recessions, a longer energy shortage, more anger in Europe’s streets, and a bigger bill for an Israel that is already running out of room. Miller’s forecast is that the next round is coming anyway. I hope he is wrong this time. I doubt it.

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