One of the biggest challenges is the gap between the two leading factions of the group, namely the Kandhari faction led by Molawi Hibatullah Akhundzada and also the faction called Haqqani Network led by Sirajuddin Haqqani, the current interior minister.
Though Kandhari faction dominates a majority of the power pillars in Kabul, tensions between the two sides has escalated recently especially over political and social issues.
Hasht-e Subh newspaper has reported that Hibatullah Akhundzadeh, the reclusive leader of the Taliban, has once again expressed concern over inter-factional discord within the group. In an order published on Saturday, January 3, he emphasized that the group’s members are facing a “major test.”
He reiterated the necessity of fostering an “atmosphere of trust” among Taliban members. In the directive, the Taliban leader commanded his subordinates to avoid actions that breed mistrust within their ranks, warning that interference in each other’s duties could weaken the group’s cohesion. The Taliban leader had previously voiced anxiety over internal divisions.
This development coincides with last month’s reporting that Sirajuddin Haqqani made an unexpected visit to Kandahar province, according to local sources.
Haqqani recently leveled sharp criticism against the Taliban’s own treatment of civilians, comments that have resonated widely within the group and appear to have exacerbated internal rifts among its leadership.
These reports align with the latest United Nations Security Council assessment, which explicitly confirms the existence of internal divisions within the Taliban’s leadership.
Taliban’s internal structures
It should be taken into account that the Taliban is a combination of religious and regional factions, with its Kandahari faction consisting traditional religious leaders affiliated with Deoband religious schools. However, Haqqani Network, which has its roots on jihadi organizations of Afghanistan during Soviet invasion of the country in the 1980s, is more pragmatic with more regional connections.
Kandahari faction holds political and administrative control over much of the ministries, key provinces, and military commands. But Haqqani Network feels that despite its military influence and it’s power to provide support and budget, it is marginalized.
A look at the composition of the interim government of Afghanistan shows that a major share of senior and critical poets are held by the Kandaharis.
Also, in addition to the ministers of education, higher education, finance, rural development, public affairs, media, and transportation, the central bank governor, and a majority of the governors of key provinces are not only from the Kandhari faction, but also affiliated with tribes and regions in the Greater Kandahar, namely the provinces of Kandahar, Helmand, Zabul, and Oruzgan.
Examples of differences
There are two essential differences between the two leading factions:
Power control
The power is concentrated in the hands of the Kandaharis led by Akhundzada who is absolutely ruling Kandahar while the Haqqanis are seeking a bolder role in the decision making on a par with its military power.
Education
The schools and universities are denied to the women and girls in Afghanistan and this is one of the most prominent points of difference between the two key factions of the Taliban. Haqqani and others like deputy Foreign Minister Sher Abbas Stanikzai are strongly against this ban and argue that this has damaged the Taliban’s international credibility and blocked recognition of the Taliban government. Still, the Kandaharis insist on their standing.
Foreign relations
The Haqqani faction within the Taliban is seeking to improve relations with regional and international countries to secure economic and political support for the group’s interim government. This approach stands in direct contrast to the stance of the Kandahari faction, which has adopted a more hardline foreign policy and refuses to make any concessions or show flexibility.
Amidst these internal tensions, Stanikzai, who is a senior figure that previously led the movement’s political office in Doha, has emerged as one of the most prominent critics of Akhundzada’s policies. His criticism specifically targets foreign policy and the decision to close schools for girls beyond the primary level.
Afghan media outlets have broadcast audio and video files attributed to Stanikzai, in which he emphasizes the importance of women’s education in Islam. He is quoted as stating, “The restrictions imposed on women reflect the personal inclinations of some senior officials within this movement.”
However, internal reports from Afghanistan indicate that Stanikzai fled the country before authorities could arrest him, although he claims to have left Afghanistan for “a rest.” Stanikzai’s departure is seen as a clear sign of intense divisions within the Taliban and points to the potential for further escalation of tensions in the future.
Gaps over security power
The Telegraph has reported on a deepening rift between Akhundzada, the Taliban’s leader, and other prominent figures within the group, including Haqqani, Defense Minister Mullah Yaqoob, and Stanikzai. The core of the disagreement reportedly revolves around the bans on education and employment for women and girls.
The newspaper further reported on the political deputy foreign minister’s flight from Afghanistan, noting that Akhundzada dispatched forces to Kabul airport to prevent other officials from leaving the country.
Meanwhile, the Russian newspaper Nezavisimaya Gazeta highlighted the escalating rivalry between the Kandahari faction and the Kabuli faction. The report indicates the conflict centers on control and influence, particularly over state finances, with the Kabul faction demanding increased budget allocations for security agencies, a request consistently rebuffed by the Kandaharis.
This power struggle follows a prior move by the Taliban leader, who issued a decree prohibiting the ministries of defense and interior, as well as the intelligence chief, from opening weapons depots and distributing arms without his direct order, a measure widely seen as an attempt to consolidate control over the factions’ military assets.
Difference or gap?
Zabihullah Mujahid, the Taliban’s spokesperson, denies the existence of any serious rift among the group’s leadership, describing internal differences as normal and not to be exaggerated.
However, experts such as Michael Kugelman, Director of the South Asia Institute at the Wilson Center, note that “signs of dissatisfaction among senior Taliban leaders are visible, though they have not yet reached the level of a deep internal schism.”
Abdullah Molawi Zadeh, a political analyst, told Al Jazeera that Taliban leaders are eager to maintain internal cohesion and prevent a split, as “a formal rift within the Taliban could weaken their control and open the door to internal conflicts, fractures within their ranks, and a loss of central authority.”
A political figure close to the Taliban movement, who spoke to Al Jazeera on condition of anonymity, stated in an exclusive interview: “A formal split within the Taliban movement is not accurate, but the existence of internal divisions is not just rumor, it is a reality. It reflects deeper competition among some leaders over political vision, power distribution, and the nature of relations with regional and international powers.”
Haqqani’s flexing of power in Kandahar
Last week, Haqqani visited Kandahar to join the funeral ceremony of mother of Mullah Omar, the former Taliban leader.
Reports followed, talking about him attending a security meeting with the presence of Akhundzada and mediated by Mullah Yaqoob, the son of Mullah Omar. This visit, given the reception Haqqani was given in Kandahar, is perceived as a power projection of the leader of Haqqani Network at the center of the power of the Taliban leader, indicating that Haqqani remains the key internal rival to Akhundzada, even if Akhundzada’s supporters respond to the Haqqani’s clear criticism against the Taliban leader’s authoritarianism.
Last month, unconfirmed reports circulated on social media alleging an unsuccessful assassination attempt on Akhundzada in Kandahar. If these reports prove accurate, they would indicate that security vulnerabilities within the Taliban’s heartland are significant, and that the physical elimination of the group’s leader is not beyond reach, whether such an action were to be orchestrated by internal rivals or through the intervention of an external force.
Impacts of on the country
Analysts warn that escalating internal rifts within the Taliban could have destabilizing consequences for Afghanistan. A deepening of these divisions risks triggering internal fractures, potentially leading to rebellion by some field commanders or alliances with other factions. This could significantly weaken the Taliban’s control over the country and lead to increased internal turmoil.
Furthermore, such a scenario could create opportunities for new opposition movements—whether breakaway factions from within the Taliban or other armed groups like ISIS-Khorasan (ISIS-K), to capitalize on the discord and expand their influence. The potential defection of influential Taliban figures to form new alliances raises the alarming prospect of Afghanistan being plunged back into multi-faceted civil conflict.
Competition among various Taliban factions can also allow regional and international powers to directly or indirectly intervene. For example, some countries may support one side of Afghanistan politics for the good of geopolitical interests. Indeed, such interference will further complicate Afghanistan’s political situation and push the Taliban to further isolation and compound the economic and security crises.
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