A Paradise, Gilan North of Iran

Compiled By: Firouzeh Mirrazavi
Deputy Editor of Iran Review

Gilan Province is one of the 31 provinces of Iran. It lies along the Caspian Sea, just west of the province of Mazandaran, east of the province of Ardabil, north of the provinces of Zanjan and Qazvin. The northern part of the province is part of territory of South (Iranian) Talesh. At the center of the province is the main city of Rasht. Other towns in the province include Astara, Astaneh-e Ashrafiyyeh, Fuman, Lahijan, Langrud, Masooleh, Manjil, Rudbar, Roudsar, Shaft, Talesh, and Soumahe Sara.

The main harbor port of the province is Bandar-e Anzali (previously Bandar-e Pahlavi).

The first recorded encounter between Gilak and Deylamite warlords and invading Muslim Arab armies was at the Battle of Jalula in 637 AD. Deylamite commander Muta led an army of Gils, Deylamites, Azerbaijanis and people of the Rey region. Muta was killed in the battle and his defeated army managed to retreat in an orderly manner.

However, this victory appears to have been a Pyrrhic victory for the Arabs, since they did not pursue their opponents. Muslim Arabs never managed to conquer Gilan. Gilaks and Deylamites successfully repulsed all Arab attempts to occupy their land or to convert them to Islam. In fact, it was the Deylamites under the Buyid king Mu'izz al-Dawlah who finally shifted the power by conquering Baghdad in 945. Mu'izz al-Dawlah however allowed the Abbasid caliphs to remain in comfortable but secluded captivity in their palaces.

In the 9th and 10th centuries AD, Deylamites and later Gilaks gradually converted to Zaidite Shi'ism. It is worth noting that several Deylamite commanders and soldiers of fortune who were active in the military theatres of Iran and Mesopotamia were openly Zoroastrian (for example, Asfar Shiruyeh a warlord in central Iran, and Makan, son of Kaki, the warlord of Rey) or were suspected of harboring pro-Zoroastrian (for example Mardavij) sentiments. Muslim chronicles of Varangian (Rus, pre-Russian Norsemen) invasions of the littoral Caspian region in the 9th century record Deylamites as non-Muslim.

These chronicles also show that the Deylamites were the only warriors in the Caspian region who could fight the fearsome Varangian vikings as equals. Deylamite infantrymen actually had a role very similar to the Swiss Reisläufer of the Late Middle Ages in Europe. Deylamite mercenaries served as far as Egypt, Islamic Spain, and in the Khazar Kingdom.

Buyids established the most successful of the Deylamite dynasties of Iran.

The Turkish invasions of the 10th and 11th centuries CE, which saw the rise of Ghaznavid and Seljuq dynasties, put an end to Deylamite states in Iran. From the 11th century CE to the rise of Safavids, Gilan was ruled by local rulers who paid tribute to the dominant power south of the Alborz range, but ruled independently.

Before the introduction of silk production to this region (date unknown, but definitely a pillar of the economy by the 15th century AD), Gilan was a poor province. There were no permanent trade routes linking Gilan to Persia. There was a small trade in smoked fish and wood products. It seems that the city of Qazvin was initially a fortress-town against marauding bands of Deylamites, another sign that the economy of the province did not produce enough on its own to support its population. This changed, however, with the introduction of the silk worm in the late Middle Ages.

Gilan recognized twice, for brief periods of time, the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire without actually rendering tribute to the Sublime Porte, in 1534 and 1591.

The Safavid emperor, Shah Abbas I ended the rule of Kia Ahmad Khan, the last semi-independent ruler of Gilan, and annexed the province directly to his empire. From this point in history onward, rulers of Gilan were appointed by the Persian Shah.

The Safavid empire became weak towards the end of the 17th century CE. By the early 18th century, the once mighty Safavid empire was in the grips of civil war. Peter I of Russia (Peter the Great) sent an expeditionary force that occupied Gilan for a year (1722–1723).

Qajars established a central government in Persia (Iran) in late 18th century CE. They lost a series of wars to Russia (Russo-Persian Wars 1804-1813 and 1826-28), resulting in an enormous gain of influence by the Russian Empire in the Caspian region. The Gilanian cities of Rasht and Anzali were all but occupied by the Russian forces. Anzali served as the main trading port between Iran and Europe.

Gilan was a major producer of silk beginning in 15th century CE. As a result, it was one of the wealthiest provinces in Iran.

Safavid annexation in 16th century was at least partially motivated by this revenue stream. The silk trade, though not the production, was a monopoly of the Crown and the single most important source of trade revenue for the imperial treasury. As early as the 16th century and until the mid 19th century, Gilan was the major exporter of silk in Asia. The Shah farmed out this trade to Greek and Armenian merchants, and in return would receive a handsome portion of the proceeds.

In the mid 19th century, a widespread fatal epidemic among the silk worms paralyzed Gilan's economy, causing widespread economic distress. Gilan's budding industrialists and merchants were increasingly dissatisfied with the weak and ineffective rule of the Qajars. Re-orientation of Gilan's agriculture and industry from silk to production of rice and the introduction of tea plantations were a partial answer to the decline of silk in the province.

After World War I, Gilan came to be ruled independently of the central government of Tehran and concern arose that the province might permanently separate at some point. Prior to the war, Gilanis had played an important role in the Constitutional Revolution of Iran. Sepahdar-e Tonekaboni (Rashti) was a prominent figure in the early years of the revolution and was instrumental in defeating Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar.

In the late 1910s, many Gilakis gathered under the leadership of Mirza Kuchik Khan, who became the most prominent revolutionary leader in northern Iran in this period. Khan's movement, known as the Jangal movement of Gilan, had sent an armed brigade to Tehran which helped depose the Qajar ruler Mohammad Ali Shah. However, the revolution did not progress the way the constitutionalists had strived for, and Iran came to face much internal unrest and foreign intervention, particularly from the British and Russian Empires.

The Jangalis are glorified in Iranian history and effectively secured Gilan and Mazandaran against foreign invasions. However, in 1920 British forces invaded Bandar-e Anzali, while being pursued by the Bolsheviks. In the midst of this conflict between Britain and Russia, the Jangalis entered into an alliance with the Bolsheviks against the British. This culminated in the establishment of the Persian Socialist Soviet Republic (commonly known as the Socialist Republic of Gilan), which lasted from June 1920 until September 1921.

In February 1921 the Soviets withdrew their support for the Jangali government of Gilan, and signed the Soviet-Iranian Friendship Treaty with the central government of Tehran. The Jangalis continued to struggle against the central government until their final defeat in September 1921 when control of Gilan returned to Tehran.

Gilan has a humid temperate climate with plenty of annual rainfall. The city Rasht which is the center of the province is known internationally as the "City of Silver Rains" and within Iran as the "City of Rain". The Alborz range provides further diversity to the land in addition to the Caspian coasts.

The coastline is cooler and attracts large numbers of domestic and international tourists.

Despite of the abundant humidity, Gilan is known for its moderate, mild and Mediterranean-like climate.

Large parts of the province are mountainous, green and forested. The coastal plain along the Caspian Sea is similar to that of Mazandaran, mainly used for rice paddies.

In May 1990 large parts of the province were destroyed by a huge earthquake, in which about 45,000 people died. Abbas Kiarostami made his films Life, and Nothing More... and Through the Olive Trees based upon this event.

The majority of the population speaks Gilaki as their first language while many children, particularly in the cities, tend to use Standard Persian amongst themselves. Gilan has some Azerbaijani-speaking people in Astara and Manjil. The northern part of the province is inhabited by Talesh people. The Kurdish language is used by some Kurds who have moved from Arbil to the Amarlu region. The language of Rudbar is Tati. Gilanis call themselves gilamard, which is a combination of 'Gil' and 'Amard.'

Gilan's position on the Tehran-Baku trade route has established the cities of Bandar-e Anzali and Rasht as ranking amongst the most important commercial centers in Iran. As a result, the merchant and middle-classes comprise a significant percentage of the population.

The province has an annual average of 2 million tourists, mostly domestic. Although Iran's Cultural Heritage Organization lists 211 sites of historical and cultural significance in the province, the main tourist attraction in Gilan is the small town of Masooleh in the hills south-east of Rasht. The town is built in a fashion not dissimilar to the Pueblo settlements, with the roof of one house being the courtyard of the next house above.

Gilan has a strong culinary tradition, from which several dishes have come to be adopted across Iran. This richness derives in part from the climate, which allows for a wide variety of fruit, vegetables and nuts to be grown in the province. Seafood is a particularly strong component of Gilani (and Mazandarani) cuisine. Sturgeon, often smoked or served as kebab, and caviar are delicacies along the whole Caspian littoral. Other types of fish such as mahi sefid, kuli, kulmeh, Caspian salmon, mahi kapur and many others are consumed. Fish roe, or ashpal, is widely used in Gileki cuisine. Traditional Persian stews such as ghalieh mahi (fish stew) and ghalieh maygu (shrimp stew) are also featured and prepared in a uniquely Gilani fashion.

More specific to Gilan are a distinctive walnut-paste and pomegranate-juice sauce, used as a marinade for 'sour' kebab (Kabab Torsh) and as the basis of Fesenjān, a rich stew of duck, chicken or lamb. Mirza ghasemi is an aubergine and egg dish with a smoky taste that is often served as a side dish or appetizer. Other such dishes include pickled garlic, olives with walnut paste, and smoked fish. The caviar and smoked fish from the region are, in particular, widely prized and sought after specialities in both domestic and foreign gourmet markets. Gilan is a popular tourism destination.

The most famous handicrafts of the province are: wooden articles, hand woven textiles, carpets, jajeems (a type of loosely woven woolen material), Gelims (a coarse type of carpet), silk weaves, earthenware and wooden vessels, statues, felt articles, wicker work, bamboo products, crochet articles, cotton fabrics etc.

Music in Gilan, contrary to other parts of Iran, reveals to be of various types. This difference in particular can be noted in areas such as Talesh, Daylaman and Espily. In the Talesh region there are three basic kinds of melodies, i.e., "Qadim Dastan", "Talesh Dastan" and "Tazeh Dastan". In the province, melodies are usually related to the life style of the inhabitants and are inspired from subjects such as rustic life. Some of the rhymes are chanted along with the appropriate dances, whereas others are cordial. Lamentations that are colloquial are common, besides lullabies, love songs and nursery rhymes. The famous musical groups of Gilan are the Ashiq Gilan, Gil Ava, Saba and Sarang.

Villages

The most beautiful vicinities of Iran are found in northern Iran, and especially in Gilan Province. Coverage of green forests, diverse sources of water, local architecture, and cultural specifications are eye-catching; forming a basis for the development of tourism. Some of these rural attractions, known both internally and internationally are:

Harzavil Village, Roodbar- Manjil

The history of this village dates back to over a thousand years, and is situated near the city of Manjil. Nasser Khosrow, the famous Iranian poet had traveled to this village and had mentioned this vicinity in his travel accounts. There is an ancient cypress tree in the village that attracts crowds of people every year. The tomb of Aqa Seyed Mahmood Marandi and Imamzadeh Ebrahim are other attractions of this area.

Kiashahr Village, Rasht

This village has made impressive progress during the years and has turned into a city. Kiashahr is located on the banks of a beautiful wetland, and enjoys a wonderful landscape and pleasant weather. Here there are wooden docks and some cottages for temporary use and fishing. Rest houses and restaurants have been constructed in the forest park close to the sea, so as to provide services to visitors. This village is one of the beautiful attractions of Gilan.

Masooleh Village, Fooman

This village is situated in the south west of Fooman, 63 km. from Rasht. It enjoys a moderate climate. Local architecture, springs, waterfalls, the 'Rood Khan' River and dense forests all make it an attractive tourism spot. Masooleh's integrated architecture and its houses are of two storied. These comprise of an entrance corridor, cellars and other unique architectural features, and are linked to each other by a staircase, such that the terrace of each house is the court-yard of the house above. The presence of the ancient Own Ebne Ali and Own Ebne Mohammad in Masooleh are pilgrimage sites and hold cultural importance.

Museums

Mian Poshteh Palace Museum (Navy Exhibition), Anzali

The historical structure of Mian Poshteh is located in one of the most beautiful locality of Bandar Anzali. In the year 1924, this palace was reclaimed by Reza Shah from its owner who was a Russian merchant. In 1977, this museum was inaugurated as the Navy museum. In this double storied structure, paintings and intricate plaster adornments can be noted. There is also a portrait attributed to Nasseredin Shah Qajar.

Rasht Museum, Rasht

The Rasht Museum extends over an area of 560 sq. m. and is a double storied structure. These premises belonged to Mirza Hossein Khan Kasmaie, (an ally of Mirza Kuchak Khan Jangali). The same was purchased by the Cultural and Arts Organization in 1970. After the required renovations, the structure was converted into a museum. The said museum is under control of the Cultural Heritage Organization at present, and was inaugurated in the year 1989. The museum comprises of three sections named as, the archaeological, anthropological and a sector displaying documents. Objects discovered in the excavations of hillocks such as Marlik, Tukam, Daylaman, Cheraq Ali and the Tegran cave are on exhibit here.

Gilan’s Rural Heritage Museum

About 15 Kilometers far away from Rasht, there is a green and calm highway, with its two sides surrounded via rush and pine trees.

Stepping or driving a little forward, you'll reach an open and wide area decorated with wooden tableaus and billboards including the text "Musee patrimoine rural de Guilan" next to "UNESCO" and "Aix Du Province University" logos.

That French title remembers the glorious opening ceremony of "Guilan museum of rural heritage" in March 2007 where Prof. Christian Bromberger gave an interesting lecture about the history of Gilak tribe in front of hundreds of people, those in love with Persian culture.

Guilan museum of rural heritage is a fantastic and unique Eco-Museum that has been constructed in order to show the hidden corners of Guilan people's culture and lifestyle to the tourists from all around the world.

After paying a very skimpy amount of fee to the attendant at the entrance gate, you will find your way into a natural corridor with tall maple trees on the two sides and their foliage acting as roofs, preventing the sun and rain from damaging the traditional cobblestone floor of this narrow rural route.

The artificial wooden fence on the two sides of this corridor extends all around the museum that is designed exactly such as a small village and includes all parts of a real hamlet such as teahouse, playground, municipality, stable and lake.

Mainly, this museum is dedicated to anthropology and is considered a good and reliable source for sociological studies especially to researchers who want to gather more valuable information on Gilak's life.

The Eco-museum shows the cultural and ethnic diversity of 27 Gilak subgroups in 27 cottages, in each of them there are girls wearing traditional costumes, some of them cooking cuisines, foods and some others making handicrafts. It is necessary to know that the total surface area of museum is about 260 hectares.

Watch the Video: http://jadidonline.com/images/stories/flash_multimedia/Gilan_rural_museum_eng_test/Gilan_high.html

Old and Historical Houses

Darya Beigi House, Langerood

One of the ancient houses of Langerood is the Darya Beigi house, one of the reputed families of Gilan. It is a double storied structure, and the rooms on the upper floor have latticed sash windows. This house has two large wooden doors with spikes and knockers. Flanking the doors are mantles with ancient mirrors. Each floor has three chambers, each accompanied by a beautiful balcony. The hall is adorned with paintings and valuable plaster work of the Qajar period. The interior adornments of this house are the important historical and artistic works of Gilan.

Monajem Bashi House, Langerood

The said is located in the Feshkalay locality, near the Sabzeh Maidan square in Langerood. This house belongs to the Monajem Bashi household, and is composed of the interior and exterior segments, private quarter, a mosque, bath and stables. Between the entrance and hall is a vestibule, which is connected to the upper floor by stairs. The upper floor comprises of a hall and three chambers. The adornments of the former depict the architectural effects of Gilan in the Qajar era. Four exquisite sets of doors displaying shrubs and floral designs, adjoin the chambers to the hall. This structure is registered as a national monument by the Cultural Heritage Organization.

Other Old Houses

Other ancient houses of the province which are mostly relevant to the Qajar period are: The houses of Haj Mirza Ahmad Abrishami (Rasht), Ayatollah Aqa Roodbari (Rasht), Dewan Beigi (Rasht), Mohammad Sadeqi (Lahijan), Dawoodzadeh (Rasht), Haj Seyed Hashem Bahrani (Rasht) and Sardar Mowtamed Rashti.

Onus on Iran, Turkey and Pakistan to Knit Ranks Against US Plots

By: Kayhan Int’l

It is time for the three most powerful countries of the Muslim World to work towards closer cooperation in order to safeguard the security and stability of the region as well as the honour and dignity of the Ummah in the face of US plots to destabilize Islamic states and turn them into Washington’s pet poodles, as is the case with almost all the Arab regimes. 

Without the least doubt Iran, Turkey and Pakistan, in addition to their solid Islamic grounding and cultural legacy as modern heirs of the last three great empires of the Muslim World – the Safavids, the Ottomans, and the Moghuls respectively – possess the administrative apparatus, the academic proficiency, the scientific knowhow, the technological talents, the skilled manpower, the industrial infrastructure, the agricultural substructure, the commercial expertise, the military backbone, and above all political awareness of the masses.

These and many other qualities, along with a deep sense of resentment towards the exploitative West and the neo-colonialist and anti-Islamic policies of the US, warrant Tehran, Ankara and Islamabad to knit their ranks more firmly, especially at this crucial juncture when Washington is trying to destroy the economies of these three independent Muslim countries. 

Iran, which serves as the land bridge between Turkey and Pakistan – the three countries which in 1984 established the Economic Cooperation Organisation (ECO) that now includes ten member states – in view of its abundant hydrocarbon resources can meet the oil and natural gas requirements of its regional partners, away from dollar-based trade dealings, while benefitting at the same time from the necessary imports from its neighbours. 

Such ties will undoubtedly reduce, if not completely negate the effect of the illegal US economic sanctions on the Islamic Republic of Iran, as well as American pressures on Turkey and the cutting of Washington’s monetary aid to Pakistan.

There is no other choice, except to reach self-sufficiency in order to ensure complete independence from Washington’s hegemonic policies, and to support the Afghan people from getting rid of US occupation.

As Iran’s Foreign Minister, Mohammad Javad Zarif found out during his recent visits to Ankara and Islamabad, the three countries share almost identical views on national development, the crises fueled in the region by the US through proxy regimes, the chronic question of Palestine, international issues of concern, and Washington’s illegal breach of the 7-nation nuclear agreement –JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action)

Zarif, in his meeting with President Rajab Tayyeb Erdoghan of Turkey invited him to attend the tripartite summit in Iran with host President Hassan Rouhani and Russian president Vladimir Putin.

The three presidents, in addition to discussing ways of resolving the crisis in Syria where the unwanted Americans and the Zionists are trying to fish in troubled waters, will discuss trade and related ties as part of the Eurasian Integration Plan.

The Iranian Foreign Minister after cordial meetings in Ankara with his Turkish counterpart, Mevloud Chavushoghlu, and other high-ranking officials, flew to Islamabad for friendly and fraternal talks with Pakistan’s newly elected government. 

He delivered President Rouhani’s invitation to Prime Minister Imran Khan for the Asian Cooperation Dialogue (ACD) summit, scheduled for October in Tehran.

Imran Khan hailed what he called "inseparable bonds” linking Pakistan and Iran together, saying his government will make all efforts "to cement these relations in various areas to the benefit of both countries”. He again expressed support for Iran’s position against the illegal US sanctions. 

Zarif’s Pakistani counterpart, Shah Mahmoud Qureshi, also voiced support for Iran’s principled stance, and drawing attention to IAEA’s repeated verification that Iran has strictly adhered to the terms of JCPOA, said Islamabad will further upgrade ties with Tehran. 

Another important topic discussed in Islamabad by Zarif, who also met Pakistani army chief, General Qamar Javed Bajwa, was Holland’s cancellation of the blasphemous caricature contest against the Prophet of Islam, following mass protests in Pakistan and strong condemnation by the new government of Pakistan. 

The message for Holland, the West, and the US is loud and clear. No true Muslim, whether Iranian, Pakistani, or Turkish, or for that matter Arab, African, Indian, Indonesian, Central Asian, European and American Muslim, will ever remain indifferent to Islamophobia. The love and respect of Prophet Muhammad (SAWA) is the fundamental principle of the Islamic faith and no one will be allowed to disrespect it.

Saudi Sectarianism: A Disease Characterized by Hardening of the Categories

By Abu Dharr

Deceptions, dishonesties, defamations, denigrations — these are the words that summarize the attitude of individuals, the media, and institutions that have been and still are contentious toward the trailblazing efforts of a leadership and population who are pioneering a momentous change within the human family. This begins with its Islamic members. Obviously we cannot cover the broad range of cantankerous characters and grumpy governments that have displayed their combination of ignorance and malice toward an Iran that is Islamic and a leadership that is free from foreign exploitation and domestic manipulation. What concerns us is a particular type of Islamic literati who perceive of “Iran” as an existential threat — so much so that Israel has become their political pal and strategic supporter.

These “Islamic pundits” are in high demand by the corporate mass media to convince their particular audience that Iran is pursuing an agenda of control, manipulation, domination, and hegemony! These pundits are located in an assortment of countries — some of them Muslim and others foreign. Briefly, their probe and breakdown of Islamic Iran relies on two canards. The first is that Iran is in reality a sectarian nation-state. The second is that Iran is a “Majusi” (Magian/Zoroastrian) country. They never refer to the Iranian people or the Iranian government with the word Islamic. The people in Iran, according to their descriptions, are either Persian, Safawis, Shi‘is or some other description that sounds like it is incompatible with Islam.

One of the falsehoods, which can only be peddled to the naive, is the conflation, by some of these commentators, of Iran’s Safawi past with its Islamic present. The sectarian bug has circulated so profoundly in the bloodstream of these analysts that they no longer are able to realize that Islamic Iran has broken away from its past Safawi sectarianism as surely as it broke away from its contemporary Pahlavi interventionism. It should be noted here that even though there is a strong Islamic current in today’s Turkey, that current carries within it a deep-seated affinity with its Ottoman past and wants to compel a Pax ‘Uthmania (Ottomanica) wherever it can extend its Islamic influence. There is no doubt that both histories (Persian and Turkic) had elements of a sectarian trend in them, as there is no doubt that both countries still have sectarian trends within them today. The difference is that the Islamic inclination in Turkey with all its secular foils has not been able to make a clean break from the mistakes of the past (without disparaging the accomplishments of that same past) and join hands with Islamic Iran on a post-sectarian strategy that has the very real potential of reviving the Muslim Ummah.

With the prudent guidance of its historically experienced ‘ulama and decision makers, Islamic Iran has been, with Allah’s helping hand, able to tame the sectarian beast within its own ranks, and therefore muzzle the voices of its schismatic Shi‘is. This was most recently demonstrated by the vocal objection of the committed ‘ulama in Islamic Iran to the Shirazi schismatic and divisive Shi‘is whose client relationship with not-so-great Britain was presented to the public without any “Shi‘i”-first bias. Compare the frank and brave drawing of a red line between the conviction of the “Shi‘i” Imams and “Shi‘is” of Isma‘il Safawi’s conviction. And here you may even go a step further and ask yourself: will the time come when members of the “Sunni” Islamic movements have the candor and courage to draw their red line between the conviction of the “Sunni” khulafa’ and the “Sunnis” of Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab’s conviction? The Safawi dynasty produced generations of “Shi‘i” fanatics. Likewise, the Wahhabi dynasty is responsible for generations of “Sunni” fanatics. The difference is the Safawi dynasty is long gone and dead, even though there are still pockets of their fanaticism — as subtle and substantial as it is in its own enclaves — that linger on here and there, especially in scattered communities from its starting point in Tabriz (hundreds of years ago) to its headquarters (nowadays) in London.

But the Wahhabi dynasty is still alive. And there are more than just pockets of Wahhabis and their vicious fanatics located throughout the world. Their influence, unlike the subtlety of their Safawi sectarian counterparts, is barefaced and brazen. Their notorious call to arms via their takfiri creed should be a wakeup call for the “Sunni” Islamic movements, and especially for Turkey. Their crimes against Muslims resulted in smoldering countries: Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Syria, Yemen, and perhaps more yet to come.

The analysts and authorities who are peddling an anti-Islamic oratory when they do express themselves against Islamic self-governance in Iran never explain to us why the Saudi-Wahhabi strategy of political sectarianism (they claim to represent the Sunnis of the world) and its officials are entering into a political marriage with the Zionist bandits who stole Palestine and dispossessed millions of “Sunni” Palestinians! Can these analysts explain and tell us whether it is a coincidence that Saudi-Wahhabi spokespersons happen to be bad-mouthing Islamic Iran and sweet-talking Zionist Israel at the same time?!

The malicious minds of the debased British diplomats and spies did very well in recruiting the Saudi-Wahhabi dynasty to the colonialist, imperialist, and Zionist causes. The degree of their success can be gauged by the fact that hundreds of thousands of otherwise sincere Muslims were conscripted into imperialist and Zionist wars against the teachings of Islam. The wars in Syria and Yemen would have been impossible to execute without a “religious” justification. The Wahhabi-Salafi underlings of the Saudi ruling family were turned into convenient recruiters for the wars that are raging in and around the Holy Land. And if there are Wahhabi-Salafi ‘ulama who object or may object to this abuse of Islam by the Saudi functionaries of Tel Aviv and Washington, well then, lock them up. And that is where many of them are today: in Saudi prisons. They are left to hang there — high and dry. No one seems to care for them. Barely anyone mentions them. When Muhammad bin Salman (MBS) apprehended and imprisoned hundreds of millionaires and billionaires the mainstream media was a cacophony of news about their most celebrated one: al-Walid ibn Talal… along with a few others. But no one in the mainstream media mentions Hasan Farhan al-Maliki, or Salman al-‘Awdah, or the hundreds of other scholars who are languishing behind bars.

The “intellectual poison” that has injured our understanding of Islam and corrupted the character of certain scholars is in need of an antidote. And that type of cure is not going to come from an article in a magazine or a book in the library — as important as they are. The medicine for this sectarian sickness is the grand jihad beginning with Islamic Iran 39 years ago that has outwitted the Zionist minds, thwarted the imperialist militaries, and stopped the Zionists dead in their tracks.

The “intellectual poison” trying to take effect within the Muslim public mind would have us believe that Iran is anti-Islam and Israel and the US are pro-Islam. No amount of misquoting ayat and misrepresenting hadiths will be able to obscure the slow but sure uncloaking of the Saudi schemers,

And there are people who say, “We affirm and commit to Allah and the Final Day” — but, in fact, they are not committed. They make an effort to deceive Allah and the committed Muslims and in reality they deceive no one but themselves, and they do not sense [what they are doing] (2:8–9).