Showing posts with label Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Show all posts

Sunday, November 04, 2018

The ugliness behind long-standing anti-Muslim bias in India

By SAIF AHMAD KHAN



 As 2017 comes to a close one can’t afford to overlook the unprecedented rise in anti-Muslim sentiment across India. On one hand, Hindutva has become an unstoppable political force with successive electoral victories under the combined leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Amit Shah, president of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party. However, on the other hand, the saffron surge has coincided with a spike in cases of cow extremism.
Based on outright lies, Hindutva cow extremists have found excuses to butcher persons belonging to the Muslim community. Apart from that, certain forces have stoked the rumor of “love jihad” to such an extent that sections of the news media are treating it as a gospel truth despite no substantial evidence.
On top of it all, Indian Muslims (much like their counterparts elsewhere) have to bear the tag of potential terrorists because of the horrendous activities of Islamist terror groups like Islamic State and al-Qaeda.
It is a matter of record that some young Muslims are being actively harassed and falsely implicated in terror-related cases. Undoubtedly, the state should have zero tolerance of terrorism, but framing of innocents is an abhorrent activity that government agencies must be ashamed of.
The countrywide bias against Muslims is not a new phenomenon, though. Individuals responsible for shaping and nurturing India in the 19th, 20th and 21st centuries have shared such anti-Islam views.

Islam and tolerance

The Koran contains several passages exhorting Muslims to respect religious freedom and uphold religious pluralism. “You have your religion and I have mine” is a famous verse (Koran 109:6) that recognizes the need for co-existence.
While Islam is a proselytizing faith, it doesn’t believe in forced conversions, as reflected in Surah Qaf. “You are not there to force them: So remind, with this Koran, those who fear my warning” (Koran 50:45). Nevertheless, it must be clarified here that individuals belonging to the Islamic faith have indulged in the crime of compelling people to embrace Islam by negating the belief in the commandment of “there is no compulsion in religion” as enshrined in the scripture (Koran 2:256).
One must point out that verses promoting religious harmony and toleration are not restricted to the chapters revealed in the Meccan period when the Muslims were a persecuted minority. In Medina, the Muslims developed into a powerful force to reckon with as Prophet Muhammad presided as the head of state. But the essence of religion pluralism furthered by Islam did not change.
Premised on the reprehensible atrocities of temple destruction committed by select Muslim emperors, some like to paint Muslims as a temple-ransacking race, contrary to Islam’s eternal teaching of safeguarding places of worship. “If God did not repel the aggression of some people by means of others, cloisters and churches and synagogues and mosques, wherein the name of God is much invoked would surely be destroyed” (Koran 22:40).
It is inappropriate to hold the current generation of Muslims responsible for the intolerant actions of certain Muslim kings that took place centuries ago. By this logic, should the entire Hindu community be considered guilty for the 500 Muslim religious monuments destroyed during the 2002 Gujarat riots? It should certainly not be so, because a proposition of this kind is an insult to the word “logic.”
We must realize that forced conversions and temple desecration under the reign of Muslim emperors are not the only things that history consists of when there is evidence that Muslim kings also extended grants to Hindu temples. Therefore, truth lies somewhere in between and it is needless to add that whosoever destroyed temples and forced people to give up on their faith was acting contrary to Koranic commandments.
In Surah Al-Hajj, a great amount of importance is attached to respecting the different modes of worship. “We have appointed for every community ways of worship to observe. Let them not dispute with you on this matter. Call them to the path of your Lord – for surely, you are rightly guided” (Koran 22:67).
An identical set of messages transmitted in Surah Al-Baqarah and Surah Al-Maidah are also worth recalling. The former proclaims, “The believers, the Jews, the Christians and the Sabaeans – all those who believe in God and the Last Day and do good deeds – will be rewarded by their Lord; they shall have no fear, nor shall they grieve” (Koran 2:62). The other Surah echoes more or less the same doctrine: “Believers, Jews, Sabaeans and Christians – whoever believes in God and the Last Day and does what is right – shall have nothing to fear nor shall they grieve” (Koran 5:69).

Charge of intolerance

Although religious pluralism is an important theme in the Koran, a few Indian icons who have enjoyed the status of demigods for decades have found nothing except violence and hatred in Islam. The example of Swami Vivekananda, who represented India at the World Parliament of Religions (1893) and whose birthday is celebrated as National Youth Day, is a case in point.
As per Vivekananda, it was the Muslims who “brought murder and slaughter” to India as “the Hindu religion never persecutes.” Given the blatant anti-Muslim messaging underlying the statement, one can’t stop wondering why Vivekananda made such a factually inaccurate statement when caste atrocities have been around for centuries andtemple desecration was in fact carried out by Indian Hindu emperors as well who were not merely content with military victories over rival Hindu kings.
Not just that, the large-scale persecution of Buddhists at the hands of Hindu extremists during the days of Pushyamitra Shunga (who wrested power from the Maurya Dynasty) is also an undeniable reality.
But Vivekananda decided to overlook all of that and conveniently pin the entire blame of fanning violence in India on the Muslims.
“That race which is bound down to itself has been the most cruel and the most wicked in the world. There has not been a religion which has clung to this dualism more than that founded by the Prophet of Arabia, and there has not been a religion, which has shed so much of blood and been so cruel to other men. In the Koran, there is the doctrine that a man who does not believe such teachings should be killed; it is a mercy to kill him,” said Vivekananda, equating Muhammad’s teachings with “fanaticism” and “great evil.”
Vivekananda was not alone in stressing that Islam stood for putting non-Muslims to fire and sword. The Bengali polymath Rabindranath Tagore was not far behind in harboring anti-Islam (and anti-Christianity) views. “There are two religions in Earth which have distinct enmity against all other religions. These two are Christianity and Islam. They are not just satisfied with observing their own religions, but are determined to destroy all other religions. That’s why the only way to make peace with them is to embrace their religions,”claimed Tagore.

Questioning the patriotism of Muslims

In the contemporary age, well-intentioned intellectuals are battling for Dalit-Muslim unity to combat the rise of militant Hindutva politics. Interestingly, the foundation of such an alliance cannot be derived from the philosophy of B R Ambedkar, the father of the Indian constitution, because his views concerning Muslims were not very different from those of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).
According to Ambedkar, the brotherhood of Islam was limited to Muslims. He expounded that “there is nothing but contempt and enmity” for those outside of this corporation (read non-Muslims).
Though Ambedkar played a key role in ensuring equality for all Indian citizens, his mind did suspect the patriotism of Muslims. “The allegiance of a Muslim does not rest on his domicile in the country which is his but on the faith to which he belongs. To the Muslim, ibi bene ibi patria [where it is well with me, there is my country] is unthinkable.
“Wherever there is the rule of Islam, there is his own country. In other words, Islam can never allow a true Muslim to adopt India as his motherland and regard a Hindu as his kith and kin,” Ambedkar said.
Now look at the striking resemblance between Ambedkar’s and Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s words when it came to questioning the patriotism of Indian Muslims in his famous article “The Sangh is in my soul”:
Islam has yet to learn the art of existing and flourishing in a country where Muslims are in a minority. They cannot convert the whole of India to Islam. After all, they have to live here. So they have to recognize this fact. And today it has become a matter of grave concern and deep thinking in the Muslim countries.
Because [the Koran] offers no guidance in this regard. It only talks of killing kafirs or converting them to Islam. But they cannot do it always and everywhere. How can they do it where they are in a minority? If they try to do it, a major clash will take place and only the members of the minority will be killed.
Vivekananda, Tagore, Ambedkar and Vajpayee were all united in linking Islam with violence, as if the religion were alien to tolerance, which is not the case.
The existence of ultra-conservative and anti-pluralistic interpretations of certain controversial Koranic verses cannot be denied. However, the stalwarts quoted above erred heavily in presenting these beliefs as mainstream Islam that was subscribed to by Muslims around the world by means of a consensus.
In reality, their interpretation of Islam was similar to and would be agreed by terror groups like ISIS and al-Qaeda, who are responsible for shedding Muslim blood more than that of non-Muslims.
The perennial obsession with questioning the patriotism of Indian Muslims is strange given the contribution lent by Muslims to numerous fields including bureaucracy, business, cinema, diplomacy, education, politics, security and sports in post-independence India. On the contrary, the state has wronged them by doing nothing concrete about their under-representation in the public sector and socio-economic backwardness.
To recall the Sachar Committee Report of the government of India (page 11), “the alleged appeasement” of the Muslims (favorite accusation of the Sangh Parivar) has not led to the “desired level of socio-economic development of the community.”

Attitudes of three major leaders

The illustrious list of individuals who made unbelievably anti-Muslim comments does not end here.
Sardar Patel, India’s first deputy prime minister, who was responsible for spearheading the political integration of the country, once expressed astonishing satisfaction at the loss of Muslim lives. In the aftermath of the Calcutta riots in August 1946, Patel wrote a letter to C Rajagopalachari, last governor general of India, which said, “There is a complete breakdown of safety and order but there is nobody responsible to check the thing. However, this will be a good lesson for the League, because I hear that the proportion of Muslims who have suffered death is much larger.”
Is that how a responsible political leader reacts to riots, by expressing relief at the fact that Muslims comprised a large part of the death toll? We can also not forget the massacre of Muslims in Hyderabad under the watch of Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru, with the latter responsible for burying the Sunderlal Report on the police action in Hyderabad, which is said to have claimed 50,000-200,000 lives.
Let’s face the facts. India has had a long history of distrusting Muslims. Mohandas Gandhi exhibited it when he accused the Muslims of having “as a class developed into a bully” in an article titled “What may Hindus do?”
“Though in my opinion, non-violence has a predominant place in the Koran, the thirteen hundred years of imperialistic expansion has made the Mussulmans fighters as a body. They are therefore aggressive. Bullying is the natural excrescence of an aggressive spirit,” said the article, reproduced in the book What Is Hinduism? (page 21).
Being the most prominent leader of the Indian Independence Movement, it wasn’t expected of Gandhi to write articles based on stereotypes and sweeping generalizations.
Although the Muslims have played a significant part in India’s history, with the Mughal period boasting a nearly 25% share in global gross domestic product and industrial output besides the construction of monuments signifying the excellence of Islamic architecture (Taj Mahal and Red Fort, among others) the likes of Nehru found no merit in them.
“The Moslems who came to India from outside brought no new technique or political and economic structure. In spite of a religious belief in the brotherhood of Islam, they were class-bound and feudal in outlook. In technique and in the methods of production and industrial organization, they were inferior to what prevailed then in India,” Nehru wrote in The Discovery of India (page 267).
In the same book (page 234), he also opined that the passage of the mantle of Islam from Arabs to the Turks and Mongols developed it into a “rigid faith” suited more for “military conquests rather than the conquests of the mind”. Nehru probably forgot that Islam’s real representative is the Prophet Muhammad, who taught that an Arab is to have no superiority over a non-Arab, and managed to conquer Mecca bloodlessly thanks to the might of his spiritual message, which transcended geographical boundaries during his lifetime.
The whole point of citing these statements made by distinguished Indians is to make people realize that the prejudices we face are not anything new. For long, Muslims have been seen as outsiders, and their religion as a violent doctrine that stands for intolerance, murder and killing. Until and unless the Indian society purges itself of such anti-Muslim myths, there is little reason to believe that the bias against Muslims will cease to exist.
Today, it is manifesting itself through the false notion of love jihad, cow extremism and antagonization of Muslim emperors. Tomorrow, the issues may have changed, but the target will remain the Muslim, because he or she is “the other.”

Friday, September 21, 2018

Diktat diplomacy

BY JOHN CHERIAN





The United States is piling the pressure on India to whittle down its oil imports from Iran and retreat from the Chabahar port project.
THE United States has been piling the pressure on India in its ongoing efforts to isolate Iran after the Trump administration unceremoniously reneged on the historic nuclear deal that the Barack Obama administration had signed with the country. All the other signatories to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), including close allies of the U.S. like the United Kingdom, France and Germany, have said that they will honour the deal and will not reimpose sanctions on Iran. President Donald Trump, however, seems to have made the reimposition of sanctions a priority issue for his administration. He had raised the issue with his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, during their recent meeting in Helsinki.
The Russian side has been openly critical of the American decision to unilaterally scrap the nuclear deal. China, which imports a lot of Iranian oil and gas, is unfazed by threats from the White House to blacklist companies and countries buying oil from Iran. In fact, Chinese companies placed new orders for Iranian oil after the U.S. government issued the warning. The Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson said in the first week of August that Beijing stood firmly against unilateral American sanctions and emphasised that “China and Iran unwaveringly maintain normal trade and economic ties”. The Iranian economy continues to be dependent on oil.
In Asia, only the governments of India, Japan and South Korea seem to be buckling under the threats. Tokyo and Seoul are military alliance partners of Washington. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, following arm-twisting by the U.S., has given up plans to undertake a state visit to Iran in July. It would have been the first by a Japanese Prime Minister in more than 40 years. South Korea, the world’s fifth biggest oil importer, buys most of its light crude from Iran. Its government has denied reports that it will stop buying from Iran, but its oil imports from Iran have declined sharply from May. India also seems to following suit after the U.S.’ sharp warning to its “allies” to completely stop importing from Iran by November. The Trump administration has declined “special waivers” to countries like India, which have been traditional importers of Iranian oil.

A U.S. State Department spokesman said sanctions would be imposed on India and China if they did business with Iran. “And yes, we will certainly be requesting that their oil imports go to zero,” the official told the media in June. The Trump administration has been sending senior officials to New Delhi to demand that India act promptly on its recommendations. Among the high-profile American visitors to Delhi in the last two months was Nikki Haley, the U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, who is counted among the Trump administration’s top Iran-baiters. She told the media in Delhi that she had asked the Indian government to cut its oil imports from Iran and downgrade its relationship with the country. Two other top officials have called for regime change in Iran—Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and National Security Adviser John Bolton. Both of them are supporters of the terrorist grouping Mujahedin-e-Khalq.
Going by past experience, the Indian government is likely to substantially reduce oil imports from Iran. The previous United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government had cooperated to a large extent with the sanctions regime that was in force from 2011 to 2016. However, most of the sanctions against Iran during that period were mandated by the U.N. After the U.N.-mandated sanctions were lifted in 2015, Iran once again became a top supplier of crude to India, just behind Saudi Arabia and Iraq. Iranian heavy crude is cheaper than Saudi and Iraqi oil. The Indian government also committed in 2016 to transfer $6.5 billion it owed to Iran as payment for oil supplies. The payment was held up owing to the sanctions. During the earlier sanctions period, India and Iran had agreed to conduct half of the oil trade between the two countries in Indian rupees. A rupee-rial arrangement was then in place. After the sanctions were lifted three years ago, India started paying Iran in euros for 55 per cent of its oil imports.
The new unilateral sanctions imposed by the U.S. are deemed to be illegal under international law. The Iranian government has been conveying to the Indian side that it understands the constraints India faces as it tries to balance relations between the U.S. and Iran. Interestingly, the Indian government, in the second week of July, gave permission to an Iranian bank to open a branch in Mumbai. The U.S. has not officially reacted to this development. Bank Pasargad will have the distinction of being the first Iranian bank to have an office in India. The presence of the Iranian bank will ensure a smooth flow of funds between the two countries. Then there is the question of the Chabahar port, located adjacent to the Gwadar port in Pakistan, which India is committed to developing. New Delhi has committed to invest $500 million in the port and has pledged to make it operational by 2019. There is, however, a question mark on whether India has the will to go ahead with the project in the face of open hostility from the U.S. Off the record, Iranian officials have been complaining about the slow pace of progress in the project. Japanese companies, which were supposed to invest in it, are now unlikely to do so.
The Iranian side has indicated that there are many other countries willing to develop Chabahar. Chabahar can be India’s gateway to the markets in Afghanistan and Central Asia, and the government should ensure that the project is expedited notwithstanding the U.S. threats. The Iranian government wants the Indian government to start work on infrastructure projects that will connect the port to the Iranian rail network and the city of Zabedan located close to the border with Pakistan and Afghanistan. Minister of State for External Affairs V.K. Singh reassured Parliament in July that India was “engaged in long-term partnership” in the energy sector with Iran and also gave assurances on the operation of the Chabahar port. He stressed that India’s ties with Iran were not dependant on relations with a “third country”. He said that the high-level exchange of state visits highlighted the strong relationship between the two countries.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Tehran in 2016. Iranian President Hassan Rouhani was in India in February this year. The declaration of “long-term friendship” between India and Iran came a day after the Trump administration despatched Assistant Secretary of State for Terrorist Financing Marshall Billingslea to New Delhi as part of the U.S.’ ongoing efforts to pressure India into drastically curtailing economic ties with Iran. Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister, Seyyed Abbas Araghchi, was also in New Delhi at around the same time to hold talks with Indian officials on the sanctions issue.
The Indian government has on previous occasions insisted that it will comply with the sanctions regime only if it is internationally mandated. External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj reiterated this position during the visit of her Iranian counterpart, Mohammed Javad Zarif, to New Delhi in May. She said India would adhere only to U.N.-mandated sanctions and not to those imposed by individual countries. But with the Trump administration fixated on the goal of regime change in Iran, it wants to ensure that most avenues for the export of Iranian oil are blocked, by hook or by crook. Iran has threatened to retaliate if its oil exports are blocked by closing down the Straits of Hormuz and disrupting the supply of oil from the Persian Gulf region. “You may begin the war, but it is us who will end it,” warned Major General Qassem Soleimani, the commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards, in response to one of Trump’s belligerent tweets threatening to annihilate Iran.
The U.S. has shown its displeasure at the Indian government’s reluctance to immediately comply with its demands by rescheduling, at the eleventh hour, the first ever 2+2 meeting from June to the first week of September. Under the 2+2 format, the Ministers for External Affairs and Defence will hold talks with their U.S. counterparts, the Secretaries of State and Defence.
All of a sudden the Trump administration, which had made an issue out of India’s decision to purchase the potent S-400 missile systems from Russia, has indicated that it will not impose sanctions on India for arms purchases from Russia. But then the Trump administration is not known to speak in one voice on foreign policy issues. The U.S. Congress has passed a “Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act” Bill. It went out of its way to provide special “waivers” for India in relation to the purchase of Russian weaponry. Justifying the decision, Secretary of Defence James Mattis said: “The fundamental question we must ask ourselves is, do we wish to strengthen our partners in key regions or leave them with no other option but to turn to Russia, thereby undermining a once in a generation opportunity to more closely align with nations with the U.S. vision of global security and stability?”
In an obvious quid pro quo, the Indian government has agreed to buy even more military equipment from the U.S. There are reports that the Modi government wants to install an American missile shield for the country costing billions of dollars. The Indian government has also also let it be known that it would like President Trump to be the chief guest at next year’s Republic Day celebrations.
Concurrently, the Indian government seems to be on the verge of signing the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA) with the U.S. India has been under pressure to do so after the signing of the logistics exchange agreement in 2016. If the Indian government initials the COMCASA, the Indian military will be further drawn into the American military alliance. The logistics exchange agreement allows the U.S. military to use Indian Army bases and ports. COMCASA will give the U.S. access to the Indian military’s communications systems. It will also compromise the sophisticated Russian equipment which is in the service of the Indian armed forces, besides sending a message to China that India is now a key part of the U.S.’ grand strategy of isolating it militarily in the Asia-Pacific region.
Modi in recent months has started talking about the need for strategic autonomy and ambiguity in India’s foreign policy. In a speech in Singapore he said that India’s friendship with the U.S. should not be viewed as an alliance that seeks to contain any other country in the region. Modi had emphasised in his speech at the Shangri La Dialogue in Singapore that New Delhi gave equal importance to its ties with Washington and Moscow. India is a member of both the BRICS and the SCO. These two groupings have made it clear that they will call the Trump administration’s bluff on Iran. Russia is participating in Iran’s aerospace and nuclear industries. The two countries have played an important role as allies in quelling the jehadist threat in West Asia. China plays an important role in Iran’s economy.
Many of the key Belt and Road projects are located in Iran. Iran is also part of the International North South Transportation Corridor that is essential for enhancing connectivity between Asia countries and the European market.