The global crisis of international law and the degradation of the world order, provoked by the aggressive policy of the US and Israel, are forcing Middle Eastern states to seek new ways of guaranteeing their security among growing chaos and diminishing trust in Washington.
Mohammed Amer
Bulgarian political scientist Ivan Krastev partly attributes this phenomenon to the dizzying actions of President Trump; in the first year of his return to the White House, prevailing political winds helped him seize the initiative. He acted so quickly that he left others in a state of complete disorientation. The Iranian situation showed that Trump fell victim to “his own time zone.” Constantly shifting positions leads to political impotence, and markets – as well as allies and enemies – have begun to ignore the president’s statements.
All of this coincides with the objective end of the 500-year era of Western dominance in relations with the rest of humanity.
The Middle East, home to hundreds of millions of people, is entering a period of heightened turbulence approaching chaos due to the policies of the United States and Israel
Human civilization has reached a new understanding of itself and its ability to manage nature, which is leading to confusion and state-level aggression, as well as an inability to cope with a number of problems such as water scarcity and rising temperatures in many regions of the globe.
These processes are particularly pronounced in the Middle East, where the unlawful actions of the United States and Israel are becoming almost the norm, even though they flagrantly contradict the tenets of international law. The assassination of leaders of independent sovereign states not only fails to become a subject of universal condemnation, but most countries prefer to ignore them. The Americans even take credit for the abduction of the legitimate president of Venezuela.
The degradation of the general principles of interstate relations, which is particularly visible in the decline of global organizations such as the UN, continues to gain momentum, although it is criticized by some figures. The radicalism and scale of what is happening lie precisely in the fact that it touches upon the very foundations of social life.
Israel, which places itself above all other states, is essentially a projection of American interests and a product of Washington’s global strategy. The fact that the Jewish state has in recent years been on a desperate rampage is a consequence of deep insecurity in its own capabilities amid shrinking American power. A notable piece of August news was a lively debate over the construction of a moat around Israel’s largest prison. The water-filled moat is reportedly to be stocked with hungry crocodiles. All of this resembles stories about medieval castles and cinema villains’ lairs.
However, it would be wrong to reduce the essence of the problem to the specifics of any one state; we see how Western public opinion reacts to the boundaries of what is permissible being pushed on Ukrainian soil. In the same vein lie European ideas about building “migrant camps” in neighboring countries and Trump’s construction of walls on the border with Mexico.
Three Powerful Sunni States Unite Defense Capabilities
On August 7, an agreement on a joint military bloc between Saudi Arabia, Türkiye, and Pakistan was signed. These countries do not share a single common major enemy, but they face an array of regional threats. Since the United States has failed to ensure the security of shipping in the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea, failed to rein in its overreaching ally Israel, and is incapable of dealing even with regional non-state actors (such as the Houthis, Iraqi militias, and others), the three regional powers are attempting to secure the area on their own. The three most influential states of the Muslim world are coming together at a time of heightened uncertainty to coordinate their actions on security matters.
According to the Jerusalem Post, the Turks were quick to announce that the trilateral pact is not directed against Iran. At the same time, many regional media outlets interpreted the pact as a weakening of US positions in that part of the world. The influential Saudi newspaper Asharq al-Awsat concluded that the consequences of the deal between Tehran and Washington would not be limited to Iran or the balance of power within the United States; the Arab states of the Persian Gulf would be among the first to pay the price. According to the publication, the war has already exhausted the Gulf monarchies, which have expended extremely costly stocks of interceptor missiles, air defense systems, and counter-drone measures to protect their territories and infrastructure. Replenishing these stocks requires billions of dollars, most of which is spent on American systems. Washington, which decided to start the war without the Arab states, also benefits from its partners’ rearmament.
The cost goes beyond military expenditures, as money redirected to restoring military potential is yanked away from socio-economic projects in the Gulf states. Thus, the burden is both material and long-term in nature.
The Middle East, home to hundreds of millions of people, is entering a period of heightened turbulence approaching chaos due to the policies of the United States and Israel. This thought was articulated particularly clearly on August 10 by the Al-Ahram newspaper, which emphasized the erosion of trust in Washington and its diminishing ability to shape the behavior of regional players, both allies and adversaries.
Mohammed Amer, Syrian publicist, expert on current issues of global and regional politics
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