Speaking in an interview with FNA, Mbaluto said, “The danger is that all these processes should be negotiated and agreed upon across parties…The formation of a new government should not be a one-man’s decision. Given the protests, the President should consult widely, be seen as sensitive to what the people want.”
Julius Mbaluto is a broadcast journalist and political analyst based in London. His work is focused is on African affairs.
Below is the full text of the interview:
Q: In 2019, Tunisians elected Kais Saied who was an independent candidate. Why do you think after a few years, they see the political parties and parliament being dissolved?
A: Prior to the revolution, Tunisia had one dominant political party (RCD) Constitutional Democratic Party) running a political system with centralized power. The misgovernance under such a system led to the revolution which led a multi-party-political system.
Former President Moncef Marzouki led the country during the transition. When President Kais Saied was elected after the revolution, it was hoped that the country would change politically for the better.
However, the ‘curse of multi-party democracy’ seemed to have caught up with Tunisia just like many countries in Africa. In many countries in Africa, the opposition parties were divided and therefore became very weak when facing the incumbent government.
Tunisian early days of multi-party democracy are not any different. If the opposition political parties were strong and united in purpose, then the government would not have been able to do what it is has done.
When protests the way the government was handling covid-19 Pandemic and the economy broke out, President Kais Saied citing Article 80 of the constitution dismissed Prime Minister Hicham Mechichi, froze the work of parliament for 30 days and lifted the immunity of ministers, appointing himself as the Head of the Executive authority until the formation of a new government.
Major political parties branded this as ‘coup against the constitution and the achievement of 2011’. The revolution was about ensuring good governance, democratic rule, and best economic performance among other things.
Q: Saied’s decrees, such as “absolute unquestionable power” of the president, are in line with the 1959 constitution overturned by the uprising a decade ago. Do you believe the gains in 2011 are now being undermined?
A: The protesters were calling for parliament to be dissolved and the President citing the law to dissolve it could be seen as doing what Tunisians wanted. The danger is that all these processes should be negotiated and agreed upon across parties.
Citizens will always protest whenever things do not seem to go their way. Does that mean the President will keep dissolving parliament to please the masses? Governance also requires continuity and if there are other ways to address grievances, why not talk about it, why not call the stakeholders and find for solutions. Citing the law and making a one-man decision to stop the work of legislators who were elected to represent the people is not democratic. That is why the opposition parties are calling it a coup. Looking at it from this angle, the gains of the revolution have been undermined.
Q: Saied has announced his plans to make changes in the constitution and form a new government. With all the executive powers in hand, is there a guarantee that he will not make another Zine El Abidine Ben Ali?
A: The evolution was about achieving a democratic rule which will serve the interests of all Tunisians. The formation of a new government should not be a one-man’s decision. Given the protests, the President should consult widely, be seen as sensitive to what the people want. For example, what does a new government mean?
If he appoints leaders who failed in governing well before, will it be a new government or change of faces? I believe Tunisians would like to see real change and not change for the sake of change. Too much bestowed upon the presidency can lead to another Zine EL Abidine Ben Ali moment.
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