By Assia Hosseini
A Social Media Post in Support of Yemen at the Heart of Legal Proceedings
In a post published on social media, Lebanese journalist Hassan Olleik expressed his solidarity with Yemen, which has been under a Saudi-led air and naval blockade since 2015. He wrote:
“I stand with the great Yemen, under the leadership of the master of the leaders of the Arabian Peninsula, Sayyed Abdul-Malik Al-Houthi, to punish the aggressor Mohammed bin Salman, who has unjustly and aggressively imposed a blockade on beloved Yemen.”
These few words prompted Ahmad Rami al-Hajj, Lebanon’s Public Prosecutor, to order the Intelligence Branch to arrest Olleik through a judicial warrant. According to Olleik’s supporters, this decision violates Lebanese laws guaranteeing freedom of the press and freedom of expression.
Freedom of the Press Under Lebanese Law
Article 1 of Lebanon’s Publications Law, enacted on September 14, 1962, and later amended, states:
“Printing, the press, bookstores, publishing houses, and distribution houses are free. This freedom may only be restricted within the framework of general laws and the provisions of this law.”
This article is considered the clearest legal guarantee of press freedom in Lebanon. It establishes freedom as the rule, while any restriction should remain an exception based on a clear legal provision-not on political considerations or the authorities’ desire to suppress criticism.
Hassan Olleik: The Illusion of Media Pluralism
In an interview with Al-Ahed News, Olleik argued that Lebanon appears, at first glance, to respect freedom of expression. However, according to him, closer examination reveals a different reality: the Lebanese media largely operates according to a single dominant narrative.
When a particular issue is promoted, nearly all media outlets report it. Conversely, when another issue – despite being serious, important and potentially affecting national security – is meant to remain hidden, the media collectively stops covering it, even when it constitutes a genuine journalistic scoop.
Resistance-Supporting Media Under Pressure
According to Olleik, the only media outlets that still escape this pattern are those that support the resistance.
He emphasized that he was not referring solely to Shiite journalists or institutions affiliated with Hezbollah, but more broadly to all media outlets that support the Resistance, reject “Israeli” hegemony, oppose American-Saudi influence, denounce what they describe as “Israel’s” war of extermination, and resist turning Lebanon into what they view as an “Israeli” settlement.
This also includes, he said, media organizations that reject what he described as the “shameful agreement” concluded by the Lebanese authorities.
According to Olleik, these voices are expected to be silenced so that Lebanon can gradually be transformed into a model resembling Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Kuwait and similar political systems. He believes that a decision has already been made to target these voices.
Shifting Hostility from “Israel” to Iran
Since the current Lebanese authorities came to power in January 2025, Olleik stresses that a systematic effort has been underway to shift Lebanon’s perception of its principal adversary by gradually portraying Iran as the country’s primary enemy.
Within this new framework, he argues, criticism of the United States, “Israel”, Saudi Arabia or the Lebanese government is increasingly discouraged. Ultimately, he suggests, even criticizing “Israel” itself could become unacceptable, while criticism of the resistance and Iran remains permissible.
According to Olleik, this represents a deliberate shift in political hostility – from “Israel” toward Iran. Such a transformation, he views, requires suppressing journalists and media organizations that oppose the current government’s political project.
Does Normalization Necessarily Require Repression?
Olleik identifies a third dimension to the issue.
If the authorities seek to bring Lebanon into the “Israeli” camp, he argues, they cannot do so without suppressing opposing voices. Such a project, in his view, would be impossible to implement within a genuinely democratic system.
He notes that every example of normalization with “Israel” has occurred under authoritarian governments – from Egypt under Anwar Sadat and Hosni Mubarak to Jordan, and later through the Abraham Accords signed by the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Morocco. According to Olleik, none of these countries represent fully democratic systems in which governments can be freely replaced through elections.
To date, he underlines, there is no example of a fully democratic country that has voluntarily normalized relations with “Israel”. Bringing Lebanon into such a process would therefore require suppressing dissent and reshaping the country’s political system along similar lines.
“Perhaps that is why they chose me,” Olleik said. “It could also be a coincidence. But they selected me from among our entire media and political team, probably because they consider me one of the strongest voices in our camp. It is therefore logical that they would try to silence me.”
Al-Akhbar Reports Alleged Saudi Pressure
According to the newspaper Al-Akhbar, Saudi envoy Yazid bin Farhan and Saudi Ambassador to Lebanon Fahd Al-Dosari allegedly contacted Lebanese ministers and members of the judiciary directly, urging them to act following Olleik’s social media post.
The newspaper further underscored that the President of the Republic wanted the arrest order carried out before his return from Washington so that he could avoid political responsibility for the decision.
Saudi Arabia’s Record on Freedom of Expression
According to the article, Saudi influence now appears to shape decisions in Lebanon. It argues that a government accused of suppressing free expression- including the murder of a journalist inside its consulate in Istanbul – is now attempting to silence the Lebanese press.
The article refers to the 2018 killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, who was murdered inside the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul.
It also points to the imprisonment of Saudi citizens over social media activity, citing doctoral student Salma al-Shehab, who was initially sentenced to 34 years in prison – later reduced to 27 years – before eventually being released after serving four years because of her activity on the X platform.
From Jamal Khashoggi to Georges Kordahi
The article argues that Saudi Arabia has increasingly interfered in Lebanese political affairs.
It cites the 2021 resignation of former Lebanese Information Minister Georges Kordahi, who stepped down after criticizing the war in Yemen and describing it as futile.
According to the article, this reflects Saudi Arabia’s broader record on freedom of expression and represents the model that Judge Ahmad Rami Al-Hajj is allegedly attempting to impose on Lebanon by prosecuting individuals whose views are considered unacceptable by Saudi authorities.
Justice Applied Selectively?
The article also mentions that Lebanese media regularly features personalities who allegedly violate Lebanese law by inciting hatred against various segments of Lebanese society and openly expressing support for “Israel” during its military campaign in Lebanon.
According to the author, such rhetoric continues to threaten civil peace and national coexistence. Nevertheless, neither Judge Al-Hajj nor other judicial authorities have intervened, despite what the article describes as clear violations of Lebanese law.
It cites Article 317 of the Lebanese Penal Code, which states:
“Any act, writing, or speech intended to provoke sectarian or racial tensions or to incite conflict among communities and the various components of the nation shall be punishable by imprisonment from one to three years and a fine...”
Lebanon Facing the Prospect of a Police State
The article concludes that Lebanon is passing through a critical period on multiple fronts.
According to the author, while “Israeli” military operations continue to cause casualties in Lebanon, the Lebanese judiciary appears more concerned with prosecuting journalists who express solidarity with peoples facing war and blockade.
The article argues that this contradicts Lebanon’s long-standing reputation as a country that values freedom of opinion and expression and that has historically served as a safe haven for journalists and media professionals from across the Arab world fleeing political persecution.
It concludes by asking:
Has the era of the police state begun in Lebanon?
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