Nahid Poureisa
Source: Al Mayadeen English
The "Look East" policy is a much-needed alternative for West Asia in its approach to the global order.
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China boasts a history spanning thousands of years, marked by significant events such as the anti-imperialist revolution. It is governed by a Communist Party with nearly 100 million members, encompassing over 50 diverse ethnic communities. Additionally, state-owned enterprises account for 40% of the national GDP. These factors collectively make China much more than just another global superpower.
Describing China as merely a product of the current global order undermines the unique aspects of its development. This perspective disregards the remarkable and unprecedented achievements that China has achieved, attributing it solely to the opening of its economy. Such narratives often omit the rigorous pathway and determined trajectory that have led to China's current state.
They overlook the resilience and national determination of Chinese society to protect their sovereignty against imperialistic interference, as well as their steadfast commitment to prioritizing the well-being of ordinary Chinese citizens. This narrative also tends to obscure the fact that China's advancements are definitive outcomes of deliberate and strategic efforts. Instead, it portrays them as mere happenstance.
This skewed perspective overlooks the substantial challenges and accomplishments that have defined China's path. By disregarding the underlying reasons for China's transformation and the unique characteristics that distinguish it, such portrayals fail to capture the essence of what truly makes China's ascent noteworthy and impactful.
This constrained narrative moreover reduces China's vast and complex economic structure to a simplistic model where capital alone dictates people's livelihoods, ignoring the state's crucial role in nurturing capabilities, fostering platforms for growth, and governing the entire system. This flawed narrative of China’s system is effectively spreading misperceptions in Iran. By presenting China's success as a straightforward result of market liberalization, it suggests that similar outcomes can be achieved by merely following the same path in Iran, disregarding the unique historical, social, and political contexts that have shaped China's development, and contexts deeply integrated into its national strategies, policies, and approaches.
Socialism with Chinese characteristics forms the core of China's governance model. While it opened its market, China has consistently monitored dynamics, evaluated outcomes, and adjusted objectives through various methods. This reflects a highly efficient state with substantial influence over the economy, empowered to make changes and adapt systems for the sake of people's well-being rather than solely profit. This aspect is essential to understanding China's approach.
Consequently, when Iranians observe the impressive outcomes China has achieved through its integration into the global economy, they are misguided to follow a similar strategy, expecting comparable results. However, this denies the nuanced factors behind China's success, strategic governance with Chinese characteristics which at the core of them is the well-being of ordinary people.
The damage caused by the misinformation campaign about China's international approach and JCPOA:
Regardless of the issues caused by this false narrative, the approach itself is wrong, as it involves the same attitude towards Iran—copying from other successful examples with little respect for our sovereignty and unique ecosystem, which requires unique responses to its demands and features.
The outcome of this narrative is framing China as a valueless state that only follows the current order, amplified by imperialist organizations and their oppressive methods. The best interpretation of this narrative suggests that China is intimidated by the current order and has no desire to make changes, which fundamentally contradicts the reality of China.
The contrast between the trajectory China has taken, especially after the presidency of Xi Jinping, and what the so-called reformists are trying to convey is clear. It is not convenient to perceive China as a submissive player when considering the monumental Belt and Road Initiative and the cooperation within BRICS. The significant efforts, including the recent one introduced at the G20 last year, just before October 7th, 2023 by the United States to counter the BRI, was the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), announced at the G20 Delhi Summit.
If China is merely a follower, why does the United States feel the need to introduce such a massive counter-project? Moreover, if China is perceived as submissive, why does it utilize various currencies in its relations with other partners to facilitate the depolarization and democratizing of the global order? If China is intimidated by the unipolar global world order, why is BRICS initiating its own currency?
To expect and portray China as conforming to the norms of the current system reflects a lack of understanding of the multipolar approach that China actively advocates. Reluctance to acknowledge China's multipolar stance is extremely detrimental to the Global South community. It is essential for states in the Global South to interpret the concept of a multipolar global community in terms of their own national interests. This complex concept requires each country to find its place and define the meaning of multipolarism—a democratic world system based on equality and respect, rather than the unilateral hegemony of the US empire.
China and Iran have collaborated significantly in efforts to challenge the unipolar world order. Iran not only benefits from but also actively promotes the multipolar world order. It has taken proactive measures to resist American hegemony, particularly in West Asia, through military means and by establishing an economic system capable of withstanding US sanctions. Internally and in its efforts to deepen relations with other countries, Iran has sought to mitigate and bypass American sanctions, fostering platforms for identifying new pathways to development despite intense pressures and embargoes.
The disregard for the fact that China champions a multipolar world order centered on respect and equality, rather than orders dictated by American authoritarianism, would be particularly detrimental to Iran. To benefit from China, it is imperative to understand its multilateral, multifaceted characteristics. By recognizing that China actively seeks practical alternatives while respecting its own values, Iran can gain additional benefits. Not only can Iran become the most reliable state in West Asia for China in terms of energy and security, but China can also become more reliable for Iran.
One significant example of China's approach is its actions regarding the Red Sea operation. The Ansar Allah in Yemen are causing significant disruptions to global sea trade. It's evident to everyone that China, a country heavily reliant on the global market, has suffered as a result. Despite this, and contrary to the narrative promoted by neoliberals in Iran, China didn't join the coalition, nor did it exert public pressure on Iran and the Resistance. China didn't have to support the armed resistance of Palestine, but it did. This indicates that China has its own unique significant approach to governance and international positions. This crucial aspect of China's cooperation with Iran is thriving. The sense of Resistance and defiance is shared between these two countries, albeit with varying levels of intensity and expression. The challenge lies in harnessing these shared values and translating them into tangible benefits for ordinary Iranians. It's imperative to grasp the complexities and integrate them into the decision-making process when setting national policies and approaches.
The Rouhanists portray the JCPOA as essential for Iran-China relations to misinform the public, implying that China will only engage with Iran if it complies with American demands and aligns with Western interests. This narrative reflects the perception of a unipolar global order where Iran's deepening ties with China are viewed as a threat. In their worldview, the importance of significant trade relationships with neighboring countries, totaling $100 billion, is often disregarded. JCPOAists approach every issue through the lens of the sanctions regime, limiting their solutions to these constraints. This narrow perspective stems from their incomplete understanding of China and their reluctance to stay updated on international geopolitics. As a result, they fail to grasp the broader implications of current global struggles and conditions.
It remains unclear whether Zarif and Rouhani, who are behind Pezeshkian’s presidential campaign, will claim credit for their actions during their administration. When it comes to positive developments like the 25-year agreement with China, they tend to take credit, even though the primary actor in signing the deal was Larijani. Larijani was not part of the government but was appointed due to the Chinese state's request for a negotiator outside the government, ensuring the deal's validity despite changes in the presidency. Kamal Kharrazi, the head of Iran's Strategic Council on Foreign Relations, highlighted that because of the frequent changes in Iranian governments, China requested a representative beyond the current administration, leading to Larijani's appointment for this mission.
This strategic plan aims to ensure continuity across administrations and shield the agreement from the impact of changing presidencies. After the initial honeymoon period following the JCPOA negotiations, during which the public and policymakers were misled, Zarif and Rouhani distanced themselves from the agreement. As time passed and the true consequences became apparent, they shifted the blame to the general policies of the republic, portraying themselves as mere executors and victims of broader decisions. Why did it take around 6 years for the Rouhani administration to finalise the 25 year agreement after the statement signed between Xi Jinping and Rouhani? The infamous examples include the delay in appointing an ambassador for months, refusing to import COVID vaccinations from China under the pretext of FATF compliance, and the lowest rate of oil sales to China, all of which are part of the Rouhani administration's track record in its relations with China.
Raisi era and China:
Three years of Raisi's administration have demonstrated that deepening relations with China is not tied to the JCPOA and is entirely feasible, even amidst the highest pressure campaign by the United States. The changing world order has been incorporated into Iran's international relations, and Raisi's administration has excelled in understanding this important phenomenon.
It is crucial not only to understand how China interacts with the world but also to stay updated on the swift changes occurring globally, particularly after Al-Aqsa Flood and the Ukraine war. Grasping this new reality, shaped by the strategic triangle of China, Iran, and Russia, is essential.
Iran is a vital and active player in reshaping the global order, and this must first be acknowledged by the Rouhanists within Iran. Ironically, they are among the last to commit to this widely accepted reality. The decline of the empire's hegemony and its currency, the dollar, is happening, and postponing the realization of this fact is a sign of faith in the West and of being intimidated by its hegemony. Raisi's administration materialized what Jalili had been advocating during and after the nuclear agreement. The position of sovereignty at the core, combined with the "Look East" policy, resulted in a 6% growth in the economy, Iran's membership in BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, and the initiation of long-awaited infrastructural projects.
Instead of having the JCPOA as the core and the starting point for a fragile situation, which was fully broken after Trump came to power, Iran should prioritize its national interests and practically work with the entire world trying to find alternatives, bypassing the sanctions which already being practiced and resulted in significant positive changes for Iran's economy and diplomacy. This includes focusing on the region and its capabilities, and centering on the dynamics of the Global South as the way forward for Iran.
In this concept, Jalili and his team share the same approach and have been advocating for deepening our relations with neighboring countries, identifying the potential opportunities that have long been ignored and denied. Understanding the reality that China is not intimidated by the threat of FATF and does not rely on the American unipolar global structure is what Jalili has been advocating for years. it was during Raisi's administration that this perspective became materialized. Instead of amplifying and pressuring the constraints imposed by FATF, they recognized the concrete facts about China's true nature and intentions, discovered potentials, and identified alternatives.
After the Al-Aqsa Flood: Strategic Imperatives for Iran and the Global South
Following the Al-Aqsa Flood and Operation True Promise, the situation in the region has become increasingly clear. Now, more than ever, the Global South has the opportunity to strategically confront the Global North. The genocide in Gaza and China's new approach, especially after the Ukraine operation, underscore this moment. What's happening in Gaza is defining the future of West Asia, and Iran's contributions to the liberation of Palestine are crucial not only for Palestine but for the entire region.
While the Leader of Iran sets the strategy for regional resistance, the policies of the administrations also play a significant role. The Rouhani administration, for example, tried its best to distance Iran from its role as the leader of the Axis of Resistance. As Jalili mentioned during the presidential debate, "We lost Soleimani because of the approaches Rouhani's administration took towards Iran's national interests and security."
Amidst the changing global order, Iran needs to adopt a similar approach to Raisi's, identifying new opportunities, leveraging hidden chances, and expanding beyond the JCPOA to embrace a multipolar world exemplified by BRICS. Strengthening ties with Russia and China and ensuring that Iran's initiatives are heard by them is crucial.
A multipolar, respectful relationship should guide Iran's diplomacy.
Regionally, Iran has successfully brought peace to West Asia and elevated the Palestinian cause as a global priority. The only tension that should be maintained and increased is against the Zionist entity and American presence; the rest should focus on peace and development in the region. The future government must proactively work towards a more functional multipolar approach in Iran's foreign policy and empower other countries in their Resistance against imperialist hostility. Collaborating tirelessly with China is vital, particularly in making the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) a cornerstone of Iran's strategy.
The BRI represents the most tangible way of trading with China and is the largest infrastructural project in which Iran should play a significant role, not only bilaterally, but also by networking with all the countries along the route.
At this crucial turning point, especially considering the situation in Gaza, Iran must leverage all possible opportunities to advance its revolutionary approach, which has been in place since 1979, aimed at liberating the oppressed people of West Asia from American influence. The upcoming administration must continue the "Look East" policy and understand that Iran cannot tie its future to American sanctions. Against what the Americans want for the Global South, it is in our hands to protect the sovereignty and dignity of not only Iran, but also West Asia and the Global South.
The "Look East" policy is a much-needed alternative for West Asia in its approach to the global order.
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