Malcolm X at Oxford: “They're going to Kill Me Soon”

TEHRAN (FNA)- Malcolm X, an American Muslim convert who became a social activist opposed to systematic injustice in the US, revealed two weeks before his assassination that he had been feeling that FBI was after killing him.

Malcolm X became internationally famous the day after President John F Kennedy was assassinated. Asked to comment, Malcolm calmly informed US TV reporters that he was not at all surprised that “the chickens were coming home to roost”, Tariq Ali wrote for guardian.

It was November 1963 and he was by then a leading member of the Nation of Islam, a black separatist organization. Its leader, Elijah Muhammad, publicly disavowed him and banned him from public speaking.

I had arrived at Oxford a month previously and witnessed the Kennedy assassination on the BBC and read Malcolm’s comments in the press. A year later, Eric Abrahams – the radical Jamaican president of the Oxford Union (and a friend) – decided to invite Malcolm to participate in his farewell debate. The subject was a quote from Barry Goldwater, the alt-right Republican candidate for the presidency: “Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice, moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.”

To our astonishment, Malcolm agreed to come and defend the motion. A problem arose: the union did not have the funds to pay Malcolm’s fare. Abrahams mentioned this to an acquaintance in the BBC. Within days, the Beeb agreed to buy his plane ticket, provided it had exclusive rights to filming and broadcasting the debate. We laughed a lot and agreed. Yes, the BBC was a different outfit in those times and its director-general, Hugh Greene, appeared mild-mannered but was fiercely independent-minded. As a result, the debate took place and is now part of Malcolm X’s history: two books on his visit to the Oxford Union; a movie under way, and, later this week, a documentary to launch the Smithsonian Channel in the UK.

I met him on the day of the debate. He greeted me with a huge smile as a “Muslim brother”. I felt I had to disillusion him immediately. “Only in name,” I whispered. “I’m an atheist.” To my amazement, he roared. “I’ve just finished a trip to the Muslim world,” he said, “and met many people like you.” It had been an educative trip and he spoke of how the theologians at the al-Azhar mosque in Cairo had convinced him that, whatever else, the Nation of Islam was not a Muslim organization. Islam was universalist, not separatist in any sense of the word. The sight of blue-eyed, fair-skinned pilgrims at Mecca, which pleased him, helped complete his ideological break with his former colleagues.

His speech at the union was not one of his virtuoso performances in terms of rhythm, improvised cadences, silences and eruptions. At his peak, his speeches were like word-jazz, with gestures but no other accompaniment, except the response of the crowd. But that was reserved for his own people. In this, he was not unlike Fidel Castro, whom he had met and hosted in Harlem a few years previously.

Here, in a foreign land at a famous location, he was slightly bemused, whispering to me: “I’ve never addressed such a well-dressed white audience before.” The importance of his speech lay in its political content. He broke with black separatism in public, declaring that intermarriages between races were fine and that black and white people had to get together and fight the system.

Malcolm’s ideas were in a process of transition. He was moving away from a narrow and claustrophobic form of identity politics that had become politically crippling. The storms lay ahead but were visible in the hope that could be seen on the faces of many in the audience that night who gave Malcolm a huge ovation.

Later that night, we spoke in private about many things: he was completely opposed to the Vietnam war and was supportive of the Cuban revolution that had pushed him to study the ideas of socialism and Marx. What of his sparring contemporary, Martin Luther King? He expressed respect but disagreement.

As I rose to leave, I hoped we would meet again. His response stunned me. He was doubtful that we would because “they’re going to kill me soon”. I sat down in a state of shock and two thoughts went through me simultaneously: either he’s a hustler or a very great man indeed. History’s verdict confirmed my instinct. “Who’ll kill you, Malcolm?” He was in no doubt that it would be either the Nation of Islam or the FBI or both. Within three months, he was assassinated by the combination he had predicted, though the entire truth remains hidden from public view.

Malcolm was convinced that the establishment of the time might tolerate black leaders as long as they stayed in the ghettoes. Any attempts to mobilize forces outside would be crushed. Three years after Malcolm X’s death, King was assassinated, too. Confronted by the realities of imperialism and war, King had broken with the Democrats, was thinking of standing as an independent candidate for the presidency, and denounced his own country as “the greatest purveyor of violence in the world”.

The “good black, bad black” dichotomy was never that accurate. Both King and Malcolm were political leaders in transition; both were breaking with previously held positions. Where might they have been had their lives not been brutally truncated? Who can say?

Malcolm’s famous description of the two-party system still remains the subject of much debate: “Foxes and wolves usually are of the same breed. They belong to the same family – I think it’s called canine. And the difference is that the wolf when he shows you his teeth, you know that he’s your enemy; and the fox, when he shows you his teeth, he appears to be smiling. But no matter which of them you go with, you end up in the dog-house.”

THE LIFE AND VISION OF MALCOLM X IS RELEVANT TO MUSLIMS NOW MORE THAN EVER

BASIT MAHMOOD

Those who are most in need of him seem to know the least about him. As every aspect of how Muslim’s live their lives comes under intense scrutiny from the media and demagogic politicians, from what they eat, to what they wear on the beach, many of us seem at a loss, dare I say helpless, about how best to respond. Yet the lessons from Malcolm X’s vision and life provide the Muslim community with much needed clarity and optimism when dealing with growing stigmatisation. An unyielding commitment to justice, a desire to better one’s position through a boundless thirst for knowledge and the belief that grievances must be acted upon through relentless activism, are just some of the lessons that have a profound relevance to Muslims living in the West today.

At a time when Muslims living in Europe and America face increasing levels of Islamophobia, which no longer seems to be consigned to parties of the far right but has also entered the mainstream in many countries, a sense of helplessness and frustration has come to pervade Muslim communities. Many complain about growing discrimination and fear mongering, yet simply accept that we must learn to live with it, that it has become the norm. I recall the reaction from many of my fellow Muslims who react with horror at the likes of Donald Trump and at images of a lady being forced to remove her burkini on a beach in France, ironically the land of liberty, fraternity and equality. They would highlight their growing unease at what they perceived as growing Islamophobia and at how Muslim communities were being unfairly targeted, before eventually concluding “that’s just how it is.”

This stands in stark contrast with how Malcolm X dealt with the injustices of his time.

“I’ve never been for inaction. Everything I’ve ever felt strongly about, I’ve done something about.”

It is not enough to simply complain and highlight grievances. We have become too accustomed to a simple form of hashtag activism on social media. Rather, we must tackle the difficult issues head on and instead of resigning ourselves to a bleak future; actively challenge the stereotypes and discrimination that Muslim communities face on a daily basis. Ilyasah Shabazz, once reflecting on the life of her father, summed up that “he was never one to criticise without offering a solution.” From my own personal experience I have come to realise that for far too long many Muslims have criticised growing Islamophobia, yet have failed to offer solutions at a grassroots level about how best to tackle it.

Yet we must recognise that we will be unable to challenge the negative narratives that exist around Islam and Muslims, without a proper understanding of how we ended up in the position we find ourselves in, what the underlying causes are and how we can improve relations between Muslim communities and those of other faiths and none. That is where education comes in and why Malcolm X was so keen to stress the importance of learning.

As Malcolm would once explain, “I could spend the rest of my life reading, just satisfying my curiosity.” For Malcolm, even prison was a place where he would dedicate himself to the pursuit of knowledge, satisfying his boundless curiosity. He once claimed that “nobody got more out of prison than I did. In fact, prison enabled me to study more intensely than I ever would have if my life had gone differently.”

If we are to better our position and tackle injustices, then we must develop the same thirst for knowledge that Malcolm X showed. In Europe at present, many Muslim communities have all the worst social indicators in terms of housing, health and education; it is of paramount importance that education is recognised as a means through which to alleviate this. Malcolm X was in no doubt about the role education had to play in helping to tackle injustice, as he stated:

“Education is our passport to the future, for tomorrow belongs to the people who prepare for it today.”

After his return from pilgrimage in 1964, Malcolm began to move away from his hardline approach to black nationalism, to a more conciliatory tone. He had a reversal of heart and philosophy about multicultural unity. Seeing people of all different colours worshipping in Mecca, he saw the strengths of unity.

Yet today, the Muslim world finds itself marred with division. The sectarian differences in the Middle East are having knock-on effects in Europe and beyond. I have seen how within the Muslim community in which I live, differences are played up between Sunni and Shia along with fierce arguments and divisions between rival schools of thought within Islam – a far cry from the unity that Malcolm thought had come to define Islam. Here too, there are many lessons to be learnt for without unity, Muslim communities will be unable to deal with the many challenges that they face.

The biggest strength of Malcolm X was his humility, his willingness to admit to his mistakes and shortcomings on his journey to the truth. Central to his vision lays his belief in people and their possibilities, no matter what their circumstances. So long as people had self-belief anything was possible. This applies to the Muslim community and Muslim leaders more than ever before. The life and legacy of Malcolm X is something that we can all learn from.

Neo-imperialism of the Zionists

Malcolm X:

The Israeli Zionists are convinced they have successfully camouflaged their new kind of colonialism. Their colonialism appears to be more "benevolent," more "philanthropic," a system with which they rule simply by getting their potential victims to accept their friendly offers of economic "aid," and other tempting gifts, that they dangle in front of the newly-independent African nations, whose economies are experiencing great difficulties. During the 19th century, when the masses here in Africa were largely illiterate it was easy for European imperialists to rule them with "force and, fear," but in this present era of enlightenment the African masses are awakening, and it is impossible to hold them in check now with the antiquated methods of the 19th century.

 The imperialists, therefore, have been compelled to devise new methods. Since they can no longer force or frighten the masses into submission, they must devise modern methods that will enable them to manouevre the African masses into willing submission. The modern 20th century weapon of neo-imperialism is "dollarism." The Zionists have mastered the science of dollarism: the ability to come posing as a friend and benefactor, bearing gifts and all other forms of economic aid and offers of technical assistance. Thus, the power and influence of Zionist Israel in many of the newly "independent" African nations has fast-become even more unshakeable than that of the 18th century European colonialists... and this new kind of Zionist colonialism differs only in form and method, but never in motive or objective. At the close of the 19th century when European imperialists wisely foresaw that the awakening masses of Africa would not submit to their old method of ruling through force and fears, these ever-scheming imperialists had to create a "new weapon," and to find a "new base" for that weapon.

– Malcolm X

THE ISLAM OF BLACK REVOLUTIONARIES

In this edited excerpt, from Hakeem Muhammad’s blog by the same name, the author gives a historical account of what he provocatively describes as the “Islam of Black Revolutionaries.” He argues that Black revolutionary Islam is a long tradition rooted in a deep history of Black Muslim resistance to white supremacy. His position is that this is the work Black Muslims need to return to today.

“You don’t have a revolution in which you are begging the system of exploitation to integrate you into it.” — Malcolm X Speech at the Congress for Racial Equality in Detroit. [Apr. 12, 1964]

The Islam of Black revolutionaries rejects the domestication of Islam within the US Empire and instead roots Islam as the spiritual centre of larger Pan-African struggles. The Islam of Black revolutionaries was born from African resistance to the transatlantic slave trade, colonialism and global white supremacy. The Islam of Black revolutionaries does not concern itself with the white gaze nor appeasing white fears about Islam. Its primary focus is the liberation, concerns and aspiration of Black people. A return to Black revolutionary Islam necessitates the end of apolitical khutbas; gives spiritual guidance informed by Black political thought, and seeks to continue the unfinished theological project of Malcolm X via the production of Islamic content for oppressed Black communities.

The Islam of Black revolutionaries is exemplified by Pacifico Licutan (hereafter Licutan), one of the suspected masterminds of the 1835 Islamic slave revolt in Bahia, Brazil. During his trial for conspiring to revolt, in February 1835, when the judge asked his name, court documents revealed that he continuously referred to himself as Bilal in honour of Bilal ibn Rabah, the famous Black companion of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh)^[1]. By linking himself to Bilal ibn Rabah, Licutan affirmed the right of Black people to be freed from the judicial system of white supremacy.

Although Licutan was flogged for his contributions to the revolt, the mantle of Black revolutionary Islam continued. For example, through Imam Jamil Al-Amin (formerly known as H. Rap Brown) who, upon being brought to court on trumped up charges (a government backlash for his involvement in the Black liberation struggle of the 1960s to 1970s), refused to grant the court legitimacy and used it for a dawah opportunity. Imam Jamil Al-Amin told the jury and judges, “I invite you to Islam. Be Muslim and receive two rewards.” Like Licutan, Imam Jamil Al-Amin refused to submit to the judicial system of white supremacy.

Even as we sought to escape from slavery, we as Black people sought to maintain our salah (obligatory prayers). Detailing his escape from slavery, Omar Ibn Said stated, “I fled from the hand of Johnson and after a month came to a place called Fayd-il. There I saw some great houses. On the new moon, I went to a church to pray.” As a fugitive fleeing bondage, Omar ibn Said strived to maintain his salah even though he could be captured at any time.

A Return to Black Revolutionary Islam

“It’s undeniable that Muhammad [pbuh] was a revolutionary who turned a society upside down.” — Pan-Africanist, Thomas Sankara

Rooted in Islamic critiques of neoliberal economics and its usage of interest banking, the Islam of Black revolutionaries necessitates struggling against the International Monetary Fund’s and World Bank’s structural adjustment programs that has created and sustained poverty and destruction in Africa. Similarly, the Islam of Black revolutionaries vehemently opposes the white supremacist capitalist economic system that has led to racial wealth disparities that are so large it would take over 200 years for Black families to have wealth equal to white Americans. The Islam of Black revolutionaries seeks to turn global white supremacy upside down and eradicate it from the face of the planet.

The Islam of Black revolutionaries does not oppose the travel ban because “Muslim immigrants deserve the American dream,” but because we are under no obligation to respect the arbitrary borders of European settler-colonialists on land usurped from indigenous First Nations. Nor do we believe that these borders inhibit refugees who are fleeing the United States government’s imperialistic wars. Furthermore, the Islam of Black revolutionaries recognizes Saudi Arabia for what it is: a white supremacist proxy state. It problematizes the Islamic institutions where Blacks went to study the deen for detaching Islam from the Black liberation struggle. Black revolutionary Islam centres disenfranchised Black communities at the centre of global Islamic revival.

The Islam of Black revolutionaries is reflected within Safiya Bukhari’s pivotal chapter “Islam and Revolution Is Not a Contradiction,” from The War Before where she provides an analysis for the bankruptcy of the political system of the United States to address Black suffering. The Islam of Black revolutionaries recognizes that just as Allah enabled Moses to overcome Pharaoh and all the oppressive structures he laid out, Allah can enable them to overcome modern Pharaohs and all the oppressive structures that they lay out.

This is true whether the Pharaoh be Nixon who initiated the war on drugs on Black ghettos; Reagan whose neoliberal “trickle-down economics” devastated Black communities; Bill Clinton who cut back on social services to the Black poor and expanded Black mass incarceration; George W. Bush who presided over mass Black death during Hurricane Katrina; Barack Obama who represented white power in a Black face; or Donald J. Trump who has promised to bring backstop and frisk and a litany of other social policies working to oppress Black people.

Malcolm X, a student of the Honorable Elijah Muhammad, embodies what this worldview of belief in God can do. He said, “the religion of Islam had reached down into the mud to lift me up, to save me from being what I inevitably would have been: a dead criminal in a grave.”

[1] Reis, João José. Slave Rebellion in Brazil: The Muslim Uprising of 1835 in Bahia. Trans Arthur Brakel. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993, p. 131-132.
_____________________________________________________________

Hakeem Muhammad is a Black Muslim Public Intellectual, Law Student and Scholar-in-Residence with Muslim Empowerment Institute (MEI). His work is dedicated to Islamic revival in the black community.