Saturday, December 21, 2024

Iran's envoy reacts to US conditions for Syria’s new rulers

Iran's envoy reacts to US conditions for Syria’s new rulers

TEHRAN, (MNA) – The ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Iran to Lebanon, Mojtaba Amani, has reacted to the new conditions set by the US for Syria’s new rulers.

In an Arabic post on his X account on Saturday, Amani stated that following a meeting between a US representative and Al-Jolani, the US stipulated that if the new Syrian government wishes to establish positive relations with the US, it should not involve Iran in any role.

He mentioned that similar advice was given to the Muslim Brotherhood between 2011 and 2013 and that the same condition was placed on former Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi.

Amani added, “When they saw that Morsi had been abandoned, it was time for the Americans to betray him. What was meant to happen occurred, and fate played out the same way.”

Radical minority establishment in Syria alarming for region

Leader's Adviser

Radical minority establishment in Syria alarming for region

TEHRAN, (MNA) – The countries in the region have been warned that any contribution to warmongering will affect themselves as well, and instead of trusting in foreigners, they should stand with Muslims, Ali Akbar Velayati noted.

Velayati made the remarks in an exclusive note for Mehr News Agency,

After years of efforts and conspiracies, the United States and Israel plunged one of the most important anti-Zionist strongholds, Syria, into chaos.

Syria was one of the primary nations opposing Zionism during Hafez al-Assad and Bashar al-Assad's rule in this country. Anwar Sadat committed the first betrayal to the Palestinian cause by signing the Camp David Accords.

The issue of Palestine marks a revival of the Crusades after 690 AH. The Crusades began with Pope Urban II’s decree in 1095 AD, leading Catholic Christians to attack Al-Quds. Saadi Shirazi referenced the Muslims’ resistance against the Crusaders in his works.

In the modern era, the new Crusades were designed by radical Christians and Zionists. Theodor Herzl introduced the concept of Zionism at a congress in Basel, Switzerland, in 1897. The Sykes-Picot Agreement between France and Britain in 1916 divided Ottoman territories.

In 1917, British Foreign Secretary Balfour declared that Palestine would be the future homeland of the Jews.

Between 1918 and 1939, hundreds of thousands of Jews migrated to Palestine from Eastern and occasionally Western Europe, Latin America, and Asia. Hollywood produced the film Exodus, portraying Jews as victims returning to Palestine. Prominent Iranian scholars, such as Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Taleghani took strong stances against Israel in their struggles.

Western powers, including Britain in the Netherlands East Indies in Southeast Asia, established trading companies that eventually dominated the regions. The Anglo-Saxon goal was global domination. Unable to directly confront the Ottoman Empire, the British failed to achieve their aims there.

During the reign of Sultan Abdul Hamid, one of the weakest rulers of the Ottoman Empire, a group of Jews approached him with a proposal to purchase Palestine. Sultan Abdul Hamid delivered a historic response, saying that we have never seen a living human being dissected. Faced with rejection, they pursued two strategies: halting the persecution of Jews by the Germans and later showcasing horrific imagery of Jewish prisoners.

From 1918 until the outbreak of World War II, the groundwork for Zionist ambitions was laid by the British, with support from the Americans.

The objective of establishing a Jewish homeland in the heart of Islamic lands was to prevent the unity of Muslims and Islamic states.

Prominent Iranian scholars like Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Taleghani took firm stances against Israel. Additionally, Seyyed Mojtaba Navab Safavi delivered anti-Israel speeches at Egyptian universities and played a role in founding the Fatah Movement.

After the formation of Israel, different nations adopted various strategies to counter it. In Egypt, Gamal Abdel Nasser, a dignified Muslim, worked tirelessly to unify Arabs and liberate Palestine, establishing the Arab League in Cairo. In contrast, the Organization of Islamic Conference became more aligned with opposing direct confrontation with Israel. King Hussein of Jordan declared war against Israel, ostensibly to combat its aggression, but in practice, he used Palestinians as a fighting force.

The sudden death of Gamal Abdel Nasser underscored the intense pressures and the inaction of the Organization of Islamic Conference. Michel Aflaq, a Syrian Christian, founded the Ba'ath Party in Syria and Iraq, with a mission of de-Islamization. In Syria, Hafez al-Assad took power, while in Iraq, Saddam Hussein became the dominant figure. Saddam’s attack on Iran marked the first significant negative consequence of Aflaq's influence in Iraq.

The US presence in Iraq led to the formation of terrorist groups like ISIL. However, the people of Iraq, with support from Iran, successfully defeated ISIL, though the US still maintains its presence in the country. Lebanon, supported by Iran and Hezbollah, resisted Israel, while Yemen, empowered by the Houthis, stood firm against Saudi Arabia and Wahhabism. Turkey played a significant role in enabling American forces in the region and supported terrorist groups in Idlib.

After the attack by Hamas and its allies on Israel and Israel’s subsequent strikes on Gaza, only Hezbollah extended support to the Palestinians. The Resistance Axis, comprising Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Yemen, also backed the Palestinians. Conversely, Turkey, in collaboration with the US and Israel, supported terrorist groups in Syria, while Israel occupied parts of Syrian territory—actions endorsed by Western countries. Regional allies have been warned that any contribution to fueling conflicts will quickly backfire. They are urged to align with Muslims and resist placing their trust in foreign powers.

Aghazadeh mansion: a gem of Iranian architecture in Abarkouh

TEHRAN - Located in the historical heart of Abarkouh, Yazd province, Aghazadeh Mansion stands as a testament to the elegance and ingenuity of Iranian traditional architecture.

Once the residence of Seyyed Hassan Abarkouhi, a wealthy figure from the Qajar era, this stunning historical house has become a must-visit destination for architecture enthusiasts and cultural travelers alike.

Constructed from adobe, clay, and brick, the mansion is built around a central courtyard with a design optimized for different seasons. The courtyard features a serene stony pool that adds freshness and charm, particularly enhancing the ambiance of the hall.

Aghazadeh Mansion is most renowned for its windcatcher (badgir) and Kolah Farangi, which are architectural marvels of their kind.

Rising to a height of 18 meters and spanning an area of 18 square meters, the two-story windcatcher is adorned with 19 air vents. These vents are meticulously designed to provide natural cooling to the rooms below, making the mansion a prime example of sustainable architecture from centuries ago.

Adjacent to the windcatcher, the Kolah Farangi features intricate stalactite decorations and serves to brighten the interiors, creating a harmonious balance of light and ventilation.

Aghazadeh Mansion's iconic windcatcher is so significant that it has been featured on the Iranian 20,000 Rials banknote since 2004 and used to adorn various export products.

Abarkouh itself is steeped in history, located at a crossroads of ancient trade routes connecting Shiraz, Isfahan, and Yazd. Visitors to the city can also marvel at the 4,000-year-old cypress tree, a living relic of the past inscribed on the National Heritage List.

Biden's sanction encore: escalating economic warfare against Iran

 By Garsha Vazirian

TEHRAN – As President Joe Biden's administration nears its end, the United States has unleashed what seems to be its final round of sanctions against Iran, aiming to cripple its economy and exert significant psychological and political pressure on its citizens.

Since 2021, the Biden Administration has maintained a hardline stance regarding sanctions against Iran, contrary to expectations of a shift from previous administrations' strategies.

These sanctions have targeted various Iranian activities, including the oil trade and military capabilities, with the goal of destabilizing Iran financially and swaying public opinion against the government.

A central tenet of U.S. hostility toward Iran 

The U.S. has imposed sanctions on Iran since the 1979 Iranian Revolution, targeting sectors like the economy, military, and science, mainly in response to Iran's nuclear program and its support for Resistance movements across West Asia.

Administered by the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), these sanctions have evolved with different U.S. administrations. 

Upon taking office, Biden was expected by some to adopt a different approach toward Iran compared to his predecessor, Donald Trump, who withdrew the U.S. from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2018 and re-imposed stringent sanctions. 

While Biden expressed a desire to rejoin the JCPOA and engage diplomatically, his administration has continued imposing new sanctions on Iran.

Biden’s sanctions target sectors like Iran's economy and oil trade, even when they are under the guise of "human rights" issues. 

During the last 4 years, over 600 individuals and entities linked to Iran and Resistance groups like Hamas, Hezbollah, and Ansarullah have been sanctioned. 

In Biden's final days, the U.S. Department of State intensified sanctions, targeting four institutions and six vessels allegedly involved in Iran's oil trade. 

Additionally, individuals and entities linked to Iran's military programs, including UAVs and missiles, faced new sanctions. 

Notably, Brigadier General Majid Mousavi of the IRGC ASF was sanctioned for his role in Iran’s ballistic missile program, alongside entities like Sanat Danesh Rahpuyan Aflak Company and Switzerland-based Illumove SA. 

Ruthless economic aggression and its ramifications

The U.S. Department of State supposedly aims to "stem the flow of revenue" Iran allegedly uses to support "military activities abroad," hoping to weaken its regional influence. 

Nevertheless, by targeting Iran's oil trade, the U.S. seeks economic pressure leading to political concessions.

This approach severely impacts ordinary Iranians, exacerbating financial struggles amid inflation, currency devaluation, and goods shortages, leading to significant humanitarian repercussions.

A ‘strategy’ that misses the mark 

Despite U.S. attempts at economic strangulation, Iran has shown remarkable resilience and adaptation. 

Sanctions intended to cripple military programs have inadvertently driven Iran to advance its defensive capabilities. 

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Aerospace Force (IRGC ASF), for instance, continues to innovate with developments like the globally recognized Shaheed-136 drones, showcasing how Iran maintains and expands its military technology.

Operations True Promise I and II against the Israeli regime this year further highlighted the country's military prowess. 

Iran's strategic pivot towards self-reliance and forging new international partnerships bypassing Western sanctions has been crucial.

The overarching goal of these sanctions was to devastate Iran's economy and prompt political change. However, Iran has adapted, innovated, and resisted external pressures instead of capitulating.

The sanctions have not halted Iran's military and nuclear developments but have encouraged national resilience, leading to greater self-reliance and adeptness at circumventing international restrictions.

Iran's economic adaptations, including growth in sectors like agriculture and a surge in domestic production, illustrate this resilience.

Strengthened diplomatic ties with China and Russia have provided alternative markets and financial systems, reducing U.S. sanctions' impact.

A legacy of sanctions

As Biden's term concludes, these sanctions will be part of his legacy—a strategy of economic pressure targeting the Iranian people.

Instead of de-escalation or diplomacy, the Biden administration might be seen as one that continued economic warfare with no success in bending Iran to U.S. policy demands.

This chapter of U.S.-Iran relations highlights the consistent hegemonic tactics employed by successive U.S. administrations in their attempts to undermine Iran. 

As Iran asserts its sovereignty, these measures may lead to increased political and technological self-sufficiency, resulting in a more defiant nation against external pressures. 

Meeting in Cairo, Anxiety in Tel Aviv

 By Soheila Zarfam 

Israel watches warily as Pezeshkian’s Cairo visit raises prospects for Iran-Egypt rapprochement

TEHRAN – Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian is following in the footsteps of his predecessor. The surgeon-turned-politician is deepening Iran's connections in the region, forging stronger ties with Muslim nations and solidifying key alliances.

After patching up relations with Saudi Arabia in 2023, Iran has set its sights on a more important Arab actor: Egypt.

Following over four decades of strained relations, Iran and Egypt are closer to full rapprochement than ever before. This is underscored by President Pezeshkian's landmark visit to Cairo for the D-8 summit on Thursday; the first by an Iranian president in 11 years.

During his speech at the summit, Pezeshkian spoke of Iran’s vision for a close and united region. “The importance of preserving friendships and forging new bonds through multilateral cooperation among Islamic countries, based on development and collective benefits, is now felt more than ever," he said, adding, "Moving toward multilateralism and establishing smart economic and trade networks among nations is a rightful course of action, reflecting the will of the majority of countries.”

In his meeting with Egyptian counterpart Abdel Fattah el-Sisi on the sidelines of the summit, Pezeshkian made it clear that Iran sees strong ties with Egypt as an important piece in the regional puzzle it is trying to build. "All Islamic countries should strive to expand interaction and dialogue within the Islamic world according to their share, and overcome existing differences, as these differences provide a basis for foreign interventions," he stressed in remarks to Sisi.

The Egyptian president, for his part, expressed hope that the recent positive steps taken to restore ties between the two countries will continue until full bilateral relations are established.

Embassies could soon reopen in Tehran and Cairo, according to Mehdi Sanaei, a senior aide to President Pezeshkian. Speaking on the flight back from Cairo, Sanaei confirmed that "political talks and appropriate actions have started" between the two countries.

Nearly everyone welcomes the potential rapprochement between Iran and Egypt; Arab and Iranian media are celebrating the thaw in relations between these two regional powers. Israel, however, is the exception.

On Friday, Israel's i24 news channel aired a report on President Pezeshkian's visit to Cairo, framing the growing prospects for restored Iranian-Egyptian ties as a worrying development.

“One of the most concerning aspects of this [D-8] summit is the presence of Masoud Pezeshkian, the President of Iran, who is visiting Egypt for the first time in 11 years. This suggests a shift in attitudes and the potential for new collaborations between Egypt and Iran. Furthermore, the historic meeting with the President of Turkey highlights the strengthening of regional ties for Iran,” the news channel’s reporter stated.

Why is Israel fearful of an Iran-Egypt rapprochement?

Alireza Majidi, a West Asia and North Africa expert, describes Egypt as "arguably the most important Arab country," citing its ancient history, early modernization, and deep influence on other Arab nations. 

“While recent economic challenges, particularly since Camp David, have led to foreign aid dependence, Egypt retains considerable influence today,” the expert added, elaborating on why Iran is willing to restore ties with Egypt. 

Egypt is also keen to build a new relationship with Iran, Majidi pointed out. Tehran wields considerable influence across West Asia and beyond, significantly impacting regions crucial to Egypt, such as the Suez Canal and Bab al-Mandab Strait. Decisions made in Sana'a, the capital of Iran's close ally Yemen, heavily influence conditions in these waterways.

While it appears that Iran and Egypt have strong incentives to restore ties, Israel has been trying to stand in the way of that for the longest time. Majidi attributes Israel's opposition to a rapprochement between Iran and Egypt to two key factors: Iran's well-known anti-Israel posture and the persistence of anti-Zionist sentiment within Egyptian society. 

“Even though Egyptian politicians normalized ties with Israel and signed Cam David accord, the Egyptian population still loathes Israel. Recent events in Gaza have exacerbated these feelings, leading the Israeli regime to believe that closer relations between Iran and Egypt would serve to reinforce anti-Israel sentiment within Egypt, one of the most important Arab actors.”

MSF exposes Israel’s campaign of ethnic cleansing, total destruction in Gaza

Repeated Israeli military attacks on Palestinian civilians over the last 14 months, the dismantling of the health care system and other essential infrastructure, the suffocating siege, and the systematic denial of humanitarian assistance are destroying the conditions of life in Gaza, Palestine, according to a new Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) report, Gaza: Life in a death trap. 

MSF is urgently calling on all parties, once again, for an immediate ceasefire to save lives and enable the flow of humanitarian aid. Israel must stop its targeted and indiscriminate attacks against civilians, and its allies must act without delay to protect the lives of Palestinians and uphold the rules of war.

“People in Gaza are struggling to survive apocalyptic conditions, but nowhere is safe, no one is spared, and there is no exit from this shattered enclave,” said Christopher Lockyear, MSF secretary general, who visited Gaza earlier this year.

“The recent military offensive in the north is a stark illustration of the brutal war the Israeli forces are waging on Gaza, and we are seeing clear signs of ethnic cleansing as Palestinians are forcibly displaced, trapped, and bombed,” said Lockyear. “What our medical teams have witnessed on the ground throughout this conflict is consistent with the descriptions provided by an increasing number of legal experts and organizations concluding that genocide is taking place in Gaza.”

“While we don’t have legal authority to establish intentionality, the signs of ethnic cleansing and the ongoing devastation – including mass killings, severe physical and mental health injuries, forced displacement, and impossible conditions of life for Palestinians under siege and bombardment – are undeniable,” Lockyear adds.

Israeli forces have on numerous occasions prevented essential items such as food, water, and medical supplies from entering the Strip, as well as blocked, denied, and delayed humanitarian assistance. Some 1.9 million people—90 percent of the entire population of the Strip—have been forcibly displaced, many forced to move multiple times.

Fewer than half of Gaza’s 36 hospitals are even partially functional, and the health care system lies in ruins. During the one-year period covered by the report – from October 2023 to October 2024 – MSF staff alone have endured 41 attacks and violent incidents, including airstrikes, shelling, and violent incursions in health facilities; direct fire on MSF shelters and convoys; and arbitrary detention of colleagues by Israeli forces. MSF medical personnel and patients have been forced to evacuate hospitals and health facilities on 17 separate occasions, often literally running for their lives. 

MSF had repeated its call for an immediate and sustained ceasefire. The total destruction of Palestinian life in Gaza must stop. MSF is also calling for immediate and safe access to northern Gaza, to allow the delivery of humanitarian aid and medical supplies to hospitals. While MSF continues to provide lifesaving care in central and southern Gaza, it calls on Israel to end its siege on the territory and open vital land borders, including the Rafah crossing, to enable a massive scale-up of humanitarian and medical aid.

The MSF report notes that even if the Israeli military offensive on Gaza ended today, its long-term impacts would be unprecedented, given the scale of the destruction and the extraordinary challenges of providing health care across the Strip. 

The Memon Legacy: From merchants to trailblazers

“The Memons are quite conservative, with marriages traditionally taking place within the community. Despite our relatively small local population, we remain closely-knit,”- Hussein Bhaila, A former President of Memon Association of Sri Lanka

From simple traders who arrived at the island’s shores three generations ago, the Memons have reached significant milestones over the years and gone on to dazzle as industrial leaders and reputed political figures. 

Predominantly a Mercantile Community, the Memons trace their ancestral roots to Northern India. They are considered one of Asia’s most widely dispersed communities; found across the bustling business hubs of South Asia, South Africa, parts of Europe and beyond. According to ‘The Memons of Sri Lanka: Men, Memoirs, Milestones’ written by Asiff Hussein and Hameed Karim Bhoja, the most commonly accepted belief regarding the origin of the Memons is the Lohana theory. The theory fundamentally describes that the Memons originated from a Hindu merchant group known as the ‘Lohanas’ who lived in Sind (modern-day Pakistan). They supposedly embraced Islam through the influence of a Muslim saint adopting the name ‘Mumin’

Mr. Hanif Yusoof, the Governor of Western province.

Hussein Bhaila, the first Memon Member of Parliament and former President of the Memon Association of Sri Lanka.

(Arabic for believer), which later evolved into ‘Memon’. There is no doubt that Sri Lanka, referred to as the Isle of Sarandib or Saylan by the Arabs, eventually attracted this industrious community, given the country’s strategic location and abundant resources. Hence, the Memons arrived not only in pursuit of business opportunities, but also with the intention of permanent domicile. 

Globally, the total Memon population is estimated to exceed 3.5 million, with the majority residing in India and Pakistan, while the Sri Lankan Memon community numbers just over 10,000. At present, the Memons, known for their trading and entrepreneurial skills, are mainly settled in various parts of Colombo and its suburbs.


Cultural identity, values and language 


The Memons, known to be a dynamic community, have preserved the traditions passed down from their Indian ancestors which continue to shape the local Memon culture. This is evident through their Mehendi ceremonies and even their cuisine which bears a strong resemblance to traditional North Indian dishes. 

During an interview, Hussein Bhaila, the first Memon Member of Parliament and former President of the Memon Association of Sri Lanka, said “The Memons are quite conservative, with marriages traditionally taking place within the community. Despite our relatively small local population, we remain closely-knit.” 

When asked about some of the key traditions and values that define the community, Bhaila stated that their traditions, though originally part of the Hindu culture, have evolved over time with the influence of Islam. Certain cultural practices that were followed until the late 60s, such as breaking a coconut upon arrival of the bride, are no longer part of Memon traditions. “In the previous decades, love marriages were unthinkable, it was always arranged and the couple would only meet on the day of the wedding, which was celebrated with great grandeur. However, things have changed and inter-marriages with other Muslim communities are no longer frowned upon. There are also a few marriages taking place outside the religion, although still rare, are generally accepted by the community,” Bhaila added. 

In the face of globalization, the community manages to preserve its cultural heritage while embracing modernity. This appears to be a direct result of religious obligations and the community’s strong bond. Bhaila explained that many young Memons have migrated abroad, particularly to the UK, US, and Canada. However, once they return and reconnect with the local community, these traditions are revived, especially since a conscious effort is made to speak their language.

The medium of the Memons, known as ‘Memani’ or ‘Kacchi’ is an Indo-Aryan language regarded as a dialect of Sindhi. It has no formal script and is merely passed down orally through generations as a traditional form of speech. 

“While 90% of the community speaks Memani, our original language, Gujarati, is becoming endangered. Only about five or six of us, including myself, still speak it, since ‘Urdu’ has become more dominant, particularly in Madrasas (an Islamic education institution),” remarked Bhaila. 


Legacy of business captains 


Historically, the Memons have been known for their entrepreneurial skills and this legacy continues to date. Starting as small-time traders who arrived in Jaffna, the community has evolved with members thriving in their respective fields as mass producers.

Bhaila explained that many of the businesses are now operating as multinational companies. “Originally textile dealers, we have since expanded into various sectors, including food, mass media, health care and so on. We have several industrial giants such as Expolanka Holdings, Brandix, Phoenix Industries and EAM Maliban Textiles, along with restaurant chains like Crepe runner, Epi-Q Express Gourmet, and other North Indian hotels,” Bhaila noted, portraying the diverse scope of their business involvement. 

When asked about how the community fosters and encourages business development both locally and internationally, he revealed that the Memon Association of Sri Lanka and the World Memon Organization, which has chapters globally, play a major role in this regard. “We often come together for religious or cultural events, where we interact and exchange ideas. When business opportunities arise, we would offer our fullest support as well. Introducing yourself as a Memon to another Memon is truly an advantage,” he reflected. 


Embracing the academics 


In recent decades, many young Memons have shifted from the traditional involvement in business and have prioritised higher education instead. 

“In the past, the community did not place much emphasis on education, especially for girls. However, this mindset has shifted in recent years, with both male and female education now being equally prioritised. As a result, we have produced many professionals, with an increasing number of young lawyers and doctors. In fact, my sister was the first female Memon doctor to graduate from the country,” Bhaila proudly shared. He spoke enthusiastically about the youth, noting that they have moved away from the traditional ideologies of their parents. He said that this shift is a direct result of education, which has empowered them to think for themselves.


Political involvement 


Politics was once discouraged, mainly due to the stereotypes surrounding the Memons, as many believed that a community of traders was ill-suited for such state affairs. Bhaila said “This mindset gradually changed and we became politically active in the 60s, with our first candidate running in Kalkudah and a female contestant from Negombo. By the 2000s, several members were appointed to government institutions and in 2004, we had the opportunity to represent the Memon community in Parliament. I was appointed Deputy Minister of Advanced Technology and National Enterprise Development, and subsequently Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs. Now, we have a President’s Counsel Mr. Illiyas Admani and the first Memon Governor of Western province, Mr. Hanif Yusoof. Our members have indeed become more civic conscious and assertive about our rights and duties. My personal aspiration is to see a Memon reach the magisterial level and eventually serve on the bench of the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka,” Bhaila heartily added. 


Memon altruism


The community takes pride not only in their industrial leadership, but also in their philanthropy, when addressing broader societal issues. They have consistently been at the forefront in times of disaster. Bhaila recalled several events, including the tsunami, Kantale dam disaster, Kalmunai floods and the recent pandemic, where members gathered at the Memon Association to coordinate humanitarian aid. 

“Moreover, the M. H. Omar Liver Care Facility was donated by Mr. M. H Omar while Eliyas Abdul Kareem funded a full-fledged urology and nephrology surgical unit to the National Hospital in Colombo. Several mosques, orphanages and homes were also built island-wide, with the community continuing to support their operations. We provide assistance to those in need, particularly through the Zakat fund managed by the Memon Association,” Bhaila explained.

During his final remarks, Bhaila said “Our greatest strength lies in our strong sense of unity and what personally inspires me about the community is its philanthropy, not only focused on the welfare of Memons but also on the progress of society as a whole.” 

The state of Iran-Egypt relations: past and present

 By Xavier Villar 

MADRID – The Iranian president, Masoud Pezeshkian, visited Cairo this week to participate in the D-8 Organization for Economic Cooperation Summit, also known as the "Developing 8." 

The summit gathered leaders from Bangladesh, Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, Malaysia, Nigeria, Pakistan, and Turkey. This event marked the first visit by a senior Iranian official to Egypt in the past 11 years, a significant milestone in the relationship between the two countries.

Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, diplomatic relations between Tehran and Cairo have not been fully restored, despite numerous attempts at rapprochement. In this context, Iranian media have expressed optimism that Pezeshkian's visit, leading a high-level delegation, could signal the start of a new phase in the relations between Iran and Egypt, two key players in the region's political landscape.

Egypt and Iran severed diplomatic relations in 1979, though they were partially resumed 11 years later. However, the restoration of communication did not equate to a full return to diplomatic ties; interactions remained limited to business representatives and interest protection offices. From a political standpoint, relations between the two countries can be divided into two key phases: pre-Islamic revolution and post-1979.

The first phase of relations between Iran and Egypt corresponds to the pre-revolutionary period, when the regime of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi aligned with the United States and Israel, recognizing the Zionist state in 1950. This pro-Western stance solidified Iran as a strategic ally of the United States in the region, generating friction with Arab nations, including those under Egypt's leadership.

This period was also marked by the coup d'état of the "Free Officers" in Egypt, led by Naguib and Abdel Nasser, which overthrew the monarchy and established a republic oriented towards the East. This fundamental shift transformed bilateral relations, ushering in a phase of increasing tension. 

Egypt's emphasis on pan-Arabism during the 1950s and 1960s played a crucial role in this deterioration. Pan-Arabism, a movement that promoted unity and cooperation among Arab countries, was perceived as a direct threat to the "reactionary axis" led by the Shah, who viewed this movement as a challenge to his alliance with the West and his geopolitical vision for the region.

Iran's policy towards the Zionist regime, its promotion of confrontation between Arabs and Iranians, criticism of the regressive nature of the Iranian monarchy, and accusations that Tehran was merely a tool of the West were some of the primary points of friction between the two countries. In this regard, opposition to Iran's growing influence in the region was a cornerstone of Gamal Abdel Nasser's foreign policy. In 1950, following a strong speech against the government of Mohammad Reza Shah, Nasser ordered the severing of diplomatic relations with Iran in response to the Shah's pact with the Zionist regime.

The death of Gamal Abdel Nasser and the rise to power of Anwar Sadat marked a crucial opportunity for improving relations between Iran and Egypt. In this new context, Egyptian President Sadat made a visit to Tehran on October 11, 1970, marking the beginning of a new phase of rapprochement. In 1974, following the visit of the Egyptian Prime Minister to Tehran, Iran granted Egypt a loan of one billion dollars for the expansion of the Suez Canal, the reconstruction of Port Said, and the construction of an oil pipeline from Suez to Port Said. This was one of the decisive steps in the reactivation of bilateral ties between the two countries.

Under the Pahlavi regime, Iran welcomed the 1975 Sinai Agreement and, later, the Camp David Accords signed by Sadat in 1978 between Egypt and Israel, viewing these agreements as an opportunity to consolidate its strategic position in the region. Iran's support for these accords reflected its desire to strengthen its relationship with Egypt, especially at a time when regional dynamics were shifting and new alliances were being formed.

However, following the victory of the Islamic Revolution in 1979, relations between Iran and Egypt were once again marked by tension. The shift of Iran’s stance on the Palestinian cause, the signing of the Camp David Treaty between Egypt and Israel, and the welcoming of the deposed Shah in Cairo were decisive factors that triggered a drastic change in bilateral relations. 

From the late 1970s, Egypt, under the leadership of Anwar el-Sadat, had shifted its national security strategy, moving away from its historic confrontation with Israel and adopting a policy more aligned with Western interests. However, the Islamic Revolution brought a completely different approach in Iran, which redirected its focus toward supporting the Palestinian cause and promoting Resistance movements across the region.

This clash of visions led to a rupture that extended beyond diplomacy. While Egypt sought to position itself as a key ally in the Western-led regional order, Iran emerged as an ideological and political challenge to the status quo. The incompatibility of their international agendas not only eliminated any possibility of collaboration but also positioned both nations as adversaries in an increasingly polarized regional landscape.

With the onset of the Iran-Iraq War in 1980, Egypt firmly aligned itself with Baghdad, offering unwavering support to Saddam Hussein’s regime. This backing was not only political but also manifested through the mobilization of Egyptian citizens, many of whom volunteered to join the Iraqi army in the invasion against Iran. This policy reflected Egypt’s alignment with traditional Arab interests and its intention to counter the growing Iranian influence in the region following the Islamic Revolution, which had shifted the power balance in West Asia.

However, by the late 1990s, the situation began to change. Under the presidency of Mohammad Khatami (1997-2005) in Iran, the implementation of a policy of détente opened a new chapter in bilateral relations. This approach was reciprocated by Egypt, marking a shift towards greater cooperation between the two countries.

The rapprochement between Egypt and Iran was reflected in the strengthening of economic ties, with mutual delegation visits and the signing of agreements to boost collaboration in strategic sectors. While historical and political differences did not completely disappear, this phase represented a joint effort to overcome past antagonisms and explore opportunities for mutual benefit.

Under the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005-2013), Iran pursued an active foreign policy that prioritized the expansion of its political, cultural, and economic ties, particularly with Africa and strategic countries such as Egypt. Since coming to power in 2005, the Iranian government implemented initiatives such as the creation of the Africa Bureau in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the strengthening of cooperation with key ministries, such as the Ministry of Energy, to diversify its international alliances. This approach reflected Iran's desire to solidify its influence amid the growing competition for regional clout.

Following the January 25, 2011, Revolution in Egypt, hopes arose for a potential rapprochement between Cairo and Tehran. The visit of Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi to Tehran in August 2012, for a Non-Aligned Movement summit, marked a historic event, being the first time in over three decades that an Egyptian president visited Iran. In turn, in February 2013, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad traveled to Egypt to attend a summit of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, raising expectations about the possibility of normalizing relations.

However, despite these diplomatic gestures, the deep political and strategic differences between the two countries prevented significant progress in their bilateral relations. Historical factors and divergent regional alignments remained difficult obstacles to overcome, leaving relations between Iran and Egypt in a state of ambiguous cordiality, with no tangible progress toward genuine cooperation.

During Hassan Rouhani's presidency (2013-2021), relations between Iran and Egypt took a backseat in Iran's foreign policy agenda. While there were expectations that the Rouhani administration might give new momentum to bilateral ties, Tehran's regional and global priorities pushed Egypt to a secondary position.

With the arrival of Ebrahim Raisi in power in 2021, the dynamic began to shift. His government promoted meetings between Iranian and Egyptian ministers to explore the possibility of strengthening ties, an effort that was reinforced in May 2023, when the late Raisi instructed his Ministry of Foreign Affairs to take concrete steps to strengthen relations with Cairo.

The most significant advancement in Egypt-Iran relations occurred one year ago, when the rapprochement between Saudi Arabia and Iran, culminating in the full restoration of their ties after years of tension, acted as a catalyst for improving discussions between Tehran and Cairo. This context led to several rounds of talks aimed at solidifying a stronger relationship between the two countries.

Iranian authorities, such as Mohammad Mokhber, then head of the executive branch, and Ali Bagheri Kani, the acting Minister of Foreign Affairs, reaffirmed Tehran’s commitment to continue negotiations with Cairo. They also highlighted their determination to carry forward the process initiated by the late President Raisi and the late Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian.

On the Egyptian side, Sameh Shoukry, Egypt’s Foreign Minister until 2024, took advantage of his visit to Tehran to express condolences for the martyrdoms of Raisi and Amir-Abdollahian, while reiterating the importance of progressing with consultations. He emphasized the need to build relations on solid and stable foundations, leaving the door open to a new chapter in the bilateral ties between the two nations.

Both countries have recently shown political willingness to fully restore their diplomatic ties. In this regard, Iranian political vice president Mehdi Sanaei expressed hope that the embassies of Iran and Egypt would soon reopen. 

In a recent statement, Sanaei recalled that it has been over four decades since the two countries maintained formal diplomatic relations, but he highlighted that there has been more active interaction between them in the past year. "There is the necessary will on both sides to resume relations, and we hope that, with the steps that have been taken, we will reach the stage of reopening the embassies," Sanaei told reporters.

This renewed rapprochement, although still in its early stages, reflects a significant shift in the regional dynamics, where both Egypt and Iran seem willing to overcome decades of estrangement.