Wednesday, December 10, 2025

Iran’s stand in the 12-day war undermined U.S.-Israeli strategy, says Philippine scholar

 By Sahar Dadjoo

Julkipli Wadi warns that as Israel widens its aggression, Iran’s resilience signals a new regional momentum.

TEHRAN – At the sidelines of the Conference on “People’s Rights and Legitimate Freedoms in the Thoughts of Ayatollah Khamenei,” the Tehran Times spoke with Professor Julkipli Wadi of the University of the Philippines to examine the conference’s intellectual significance, the current crisis of international law, and Iran’s evolving role in regional security.

As a distinguished scholar of political Islam in Southeast Asia, Professor Wadi provides a measured analysis of the limitations of Western human rights frameworks, the urgency of advancing an Islamic paradigm of rights and freedoms, and the broader implications of Iran’s resilience during the recent 12-day confrontation with Israel. In this interview, he underscores the growing need for principled, coherent approaches to justice, governance, and human dignity across the Muslim world and beyond.

The following is the text of the interview:

How can Southeast Asian countries contribute to raising awareness about the Palestine issue globally?

In fact, my university—the University of the Philippines—was one of the earliest institutions whose Faculty Council issued a statement declaring that what was happening in Gaza amounted to genocide, even before the International Criminal Court formally made such a declaration. This sentiment has been widely shared among students and faculty.

I also teach a course on Palestine, which the Center for International Studies established precisely to raise awareness among students. What is particularly interesting is that at the end of each term, when students submit their papers, I am often surprised by the depth of their understanding of the Palestinian struggle and the perspectives they develop.

So yes, the visibility of protests and demonstrations varies across Southeast Asia, but in my country, for instance, we can clearly feel a rising consciousness—especially among students and progressive groups—in support of the Palestinian cause.

 
Given your research on political Islam in Southeast Asia, how can Islamic political thought contribute to governance, social justice, and lawmaking in countries facing political instability?

Political Islam in Southeast Asia has many shades. In the region, we have Muslim-majority countries such as Malaysia, Indonesia, and Brunei, but we also have Muslim minorities, such as in the Philippines and southern Thailand. These differences produce varied expressions of Political Islam.

In Malaysia and Indonesia, Political Islam is mostly expressed through parliamentary democracy—through political parties and legislative processes—although it is not identical to the forms found in the Middle East. In Muslim-minority areas like the Philippines and southern Thailand, however, Political Islam has historically been expressed through secessionist movements or armed rebellion.

At one point, these movements created significant challenges for both countries, as they demanded either independence or a separate political system. The Philippine government, aware of the consequences of ignoring these grievances, launched a peace process. As a result, rhetoric surrounding Political Islam shifted, and movements like the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) entered into negotiations with the government. They eventually achieved autonomy and a new regional government, which helped bring Political Islam into the mainstream of Philippine politics. A similar dynamic can be observed in southern Thailand, although the situation there remains more delicate.

Malaysia facilitated the peace process in the Philippines, and because both countries are ASEAN members, neither could afford instability that would strain bilateral relations. Over time, radical groups, including Abu Sayyaf, weakened considerably. Their leaders were killed, many followers reintegrated into society, and the group withered away. What remain today are the two major liberation movements that now govern autonomous regions.

Despite this progress, small armed groups still exist, which creates a sense of uncertainty, especially when I travel to southern Philippines and hear news of various militant factions. Nevertheless, we hope that peace can be sustained in these parts of Southeast Asia.
 
From your perspective, what is the most urgent challenge to people’s rights and legitimate freedom in South Asia and the Middle East? How does the Islamic framework presented at this conference offer a better response than Western human rights models?

This conference is extremely timely. It addresses issues that are acutely felt today, particularly amid the genocide in Gaza and the failure to enforce international law—including the fundamental principles of human rights. We are witnessing, in real time, barbarity, apartheid, and genocide in Palestine without meaningful intervention. Human rights laws are being violated daily.

The conference emphasizes the need to reflect on and review our current understanding of people’s rights, freedom, and humanity. The Islamic tradition is very rich in this regard, and one of the conference’s main arguments is that we have not been proactive enough in presenting an Islamic conception of human rights and freedoms as an alternative to the Western model, which is clearly failing.

This conference therefore addresses a crucial issue that must be promoted, including in regions like Southeast Asia, which have substantial Muslim populations. Although ASEAN has served as a stabilizing regional organization, internal and external pressures are growing. The South China Sea dispute— involving major powers such as China, the United States, and Japan, as well as regional states like the Philippines—has created dangerous tensions. Even ASEAN is now divided along geopolitical lines: China on one side, the U.S. on the other, with Japan increasingly involved.

In this context, it becomes even more important to articulate a vision rooted in Islamic principles—one that raises awareness about legitimate rights, freedoms, and a renewed understanding of humanity—especially at a time when international law and humanitarian principles have failed in the face of the ongoing genocide in Gaza.
 
How do you interpret the global reaction to Israel’s war on Gaza and Israel’s aggression against Iran in the 12-day war, especially the gap between Western public opinion and Western governments?

It is quite sad to see the passive reactions from many neighboring countries—countries that surround Palestine. Their lukewarm response to the war in Gaza is largely due to U.S. influence. These states are, in many ways, hostage to American-imposed geopolitics and remain deeply dependent on U.S. military and intelligence structures.

Meanwhile, we have witnessed Israel’s continued aggressions not only in Gaza but also in the West Bank, Syria, Lebanon, Iran, Yemen, and even, to some extent, Tunisia, Iraq, and others. The contradiction is stark: it is clear to the world that Israel is the aggressor, backed by the United States and several EU countries.

At the same time, we must acknowledge Iran’s resilience. Iran was able to stand its ground during the 12-day war. We followed the news closely, and frankly, I initially thought Iran would not be able to endure such an intense confrontation—especially with the United States directly involved in strikes, including on strategic nuclear sites. Yet Iran resisted and withstood the pressure. This deserves recognition.

This sends a message to the world: despite the global arrogance of Israel and the United States, Iran is gaining greater momentum as a regional actor, supported by countries like China and Russia.
However, there remains a sense of uncertainty, because both sides appear to be preparing for another round of confrontation. We hope that the international community will play its role in convincing major powers and regional actors of the futility of war—because civilians are the ones who suffer the most, whether in Israel, Iran, Lebanon, or elsewhere.

It may be a long shot, but we hope that all parties will regain their sense of reason and choose a path toward lasting peace in the region.

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