TEHRAN (Tasnim) - On the occasion of the International Day for the Prevention of Violent Extremism as and When Conducive to Terrorism, we spoke with Morteza Simiyari, an expert on West Asian affairs, to examine the dynamics of violent extremism in region.
This interview was conducted on the occasion of the International Day for the Prevention of Violent Extremism as and When Conducive to Terrorism, designated by the United Nations General Assembly in Resolution 77/243 to be observed annually on February 12. The purpose of this day is to raise awareness about the threats posed by violent extremism and to enhance international cooperation in addressing its root causes and consequences.
To mark this occasion, we spoke with Morteza Simiyari, an expert on West Asian affairs, to examine the dynamics of violent extremism in Iran and the broader Middle East. In the interview, we explore the social, economic, and cultural factors driving extremism, the influence of Salafi and Takfiri movements in Iran, the role of religious and civil institutions in countering radicalization, and the impact of geopolitical conflicts on terrorism in the region.
Additionally, we discuss the role of social media in the spread of extremist ideologies and the socioeconomic backgrounds of individuals drawn into extremist groups.
1- What are the social, economic, and cultural roots of violent extremism in the Middle East, particularly in Iran? In recent years, terrorist incidents have increased in southeastern Iran. Does this indicate a rise in extremism in the region, or are other factors at play?
Simiyari: Among recent security developments, extremism has emerged as one of the most complex challenges. It has taken various forms and become a global issue, transcending national borders. However, due to multiple factors, it has been more pronounced in the Middle East and Central Asia.
One major reason for extremism's stronghold in the Middle East is the presence of foreign intelligence networks and military forces, particularly after 9/11. Their interventions have shaped regional dynamics, turning extremism into a well-organized network with operational structures and widespread influence. Over time, due to external manipulations and ideological shifts, these extremist networks have also taken on a terrorist nature.
One of the simplest explanations for the roots of extremism is the Relative Deprivation Theory, which suggests that in certain areas, due to geographic isolation, lack of external engagement, and tensions with central governments, extremist tendencies have gradually developed. Factors such as poverty, marginalization, and lack of education have provided ideological movements with the opportunity to respond to political grievances through violence.
For instance, a study has suggested that the Balochi language in Sistan and Baluchestan province is linguistically more "violent" than dialects in other regions, linking this to the theory of relative deprivation. However, a more in-depth analysis shows that extremism results from a combination of external and internal factors, with external elements acting as catalysts for domestic issues. Extremist organizations often emerge from informal networks built upon social, economic, and cultural grievances, eventually evolving into terrorist groups under the influence of foreign intelligence and military forces.
Regarding Iran, the country is facing what can be described as the fifth wave of international terrorism—a complex battle against radical, hybrid, and ideological extremist organizations. These groups simultaneously exhibit characteristics of previous extremist waves, such as anarchism, hysteria, leftist influences, and ideological rigidity, while also showing signs of external manipulation and genetic mutation in their structure.
Unlike other regions, extremism in Iran does not primarily stem from relative deprivation but is heavily influenced by external factors, operating as a proxy phenomenon. Research suggests that its roots trace back to the period following Paul Bremer's rule in Iraq, which revived neo-Salafism. A 2014 issue of the Tawhid and Jihad journal highlighted that the spread of extremism in Iran has been linked to foreign migration and territorial expansion, reinforcing the idea that domestic social, economic, and cultural factors have acted only as catalysts, while the core of extremism remains fundamentally foreign in origin.
2- How is Iran, as a Shiite-majority country, influenced by predominantly salafi, Takfiri, and terrorist movements? Are similar extremist patterns observed within Iranian society?
Simiyari: The rise of extremism in Iran, particularly in Sunni-majority areas, has manifested in two key forms: propagandist extremism and political extremism, both of which are largely driven by external factors. A striking example of this influence is the Islamic Communications Institute of Saudi Arabia, which has historically allocated a significant portion of its annual oil revenues (5%) to funding the expansion of Salafism across Muslim-majority countries, aiming to establish Saudi Arabia’s hegemonic religious influence.
This funding has been used for various initiatives, including:
- Building religious schools and Quranic centers
- Providing financial aid and scholarships
- Distributing free Hajj pilgrimage tickets
- Constructing mosques and training Salafi clerics
- Expanding Salafi media networks
Molavi Abdulhamid Sarbazi has highlighted the growing influence of extremist propaganda in Iran’s Sunni regions, mentioning that in recent years, a small number of individuals influenced by Abul A'la Maududi’s ideology have entered the region. Additionally, a few graduates from the Islamic University of Medina, returning with bachelor’s and master’s degrees, have played a role in spreading Salafi-Wahhabi ideology, influenced by figures such as Maududi, Sayyid Qutb, and Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab.
Beyond propagandist Salafism, political extremism has also gained traction in Iran’s Sunni areas, following a distinct pattern. Foreign intelligence agencies have strategically recruited from the urban middle class, gradually indoctrinating them into ideological movements. The primary objective of political extremism is to establish a well-structured extremist network with terrorist ambitions. A notable example is the Voice of Justice Youth Association in Zahedan, which became a recruitment ground for the terrorist group Jundallah.
3- What is the role of NGOs and religious institutions in preventing the spread of extremist ideologies in Iran? Do these institutions have the potential to play a more effective role?
Simiyari: The significance of religious and civil institutions in combating extremism is reflected in the words of Iran’s Supreme Leader, who emphasized the importance of countering enemy propaganda with active religious promotion. This principle serves as a strategic key to fostering interfaith unity and countering extremist narratives.
Efforts to combat terrorism involve two main dimensions:
- Security Operations – Various hybrid military exercises have been conducted in high-risk areas, involving the Ministry of Intelligence, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and law enforcement agencies.
- Counter-Ideological Measures – The more crucial approach involves religious and cultural counter-propaganda to challenge Takfiri ideologies.
The Shiite and Sunni seminaries in Iran play a pivotal role in this cultural battle, as educational and ideological countermeasures are not only more appealing but also cost-effective in the long run. However, Iran’s cultural strategy has been slow to adapt to changing extremist tactics. As a result, security-focused efforts have outpaced ideological and religious countermeasures, whereas both should progress in parallel.
Additionally, budgetary shortcomings have hindered the effectiveness of key cultural institutions, such as Al-Mustafa International University, which has the potential to play a major role in promoting moderate Islamic discourse and countering extremist narratives.
4- What is the connection between regional geopolitical conflicts (such as the crises in Yemen, Syria, and Afghanistan) and the rise of extremism and terrorism in Iran and its neighbors? Can Iran provide a model for regional cooperation in countering extremism?
Simiyari: Since its establishment, the Islamic Republic of Iran has prioritized the creation of sustainable security as a fundamental policy, particularly in response to the escalating spread of terrorism by the U.S. and the Zionist regime. This externally promoted extremist terrorism is rooted in rigid, irrational, and sectarian interpretations, which have significantly contributed to regional instability through violent acts.
In pursuit of geopolitical instability, foreign adversaries have invested heavily in fostering autonomous, anarchic, and polarized entities to manipulate regional alliances and enmities—essentially, turning tensions into geopolitical crises. A major aspect of these conflicts is tied to extremism and its strategic management.
In the 1990s, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, elements of these tensions spread into the Caucasus, aligning with Jack Snyder’s theory on the use of religious uprisings to control newly formed republics. During this period, the U.S. sought to influence Central Asian societies through religious insurgencies, leading to a surge in extremist movements that framed violence as a form of jihad. Various groups emerged, including Takfiri, Jihadi, political, and propagandist organizations, some of which later influenced extremism in Southeast Asia, such as the Santoso group in Indonesia, which referred to itself as the "Mujahideen of the East".
A critical transformation occurred in the 2000s, when these Western-backed extremist factions underwent a structural evolution. Initially, these groups operated in linear and isolated terrorist cells, making them easier to combat. However, over time, they developed network-based, decentralized, and highly adaptable structures, particularly in Afghanistan and southern Yemen.
Iran’s approach to counterterrorism—referred to as the "Tehran Doctrine"—is a multi-phase strategy that has served as a successful model for neighboring countries. This doctrine consists of:
- Early Surveillance – Identifying hotbeds of terrorism and extremist growth before they escalate.
- Containment Measures – Implementing preventative security barriers to limit the spread of extremist networks.
Since 2012, amid the unfolding crises in North Africa and the Middle East, Iran has shifted from a reactive to a preventative role in counterterrorism, establishing a regional security coalition. This network, commonly referred to as the "Axis of Resistance", includes allied states and forces, with Russia and China as key strategic partners.
The Tehran Doctrine has gained significant recognition, even surpassing the Copenhagen School of Security Studies, which traditionally emphasizes regional security frameworks and power structures. Unlike the Copenhagen model, which is built on regional divisions and hierarchical power dynamics, the Tehran model prioritizes, balance of power, security arrangements based on cooperation, and adaptive responses to evolving security threats
Moreover, the Tehran Doctrine rejects hegemonic interventionism, instead advocating for regional collaboration to counter extremism and terrorism. This approach has drawn international attention, with Western universities now studying Iran’s counter-ISIS operations as a major case study in counterterrorism strategy.
5- How do social media platforms play a role in the spread or containment of extremism among Iranian youth? Is content filtering an effective solution, or should alternative strategies be considered?
Simiyari: The rapid expansion of digital platforms and the internet presents a double-edged sword—while it has enhanced social awareness, it has also exposed Middle Eastern nations to the challenge of cyber terrorism. Cyber terrorism can be classified into two main categories: combat-oriented and non-combat operations.
Currently, cyber terrorism manifests in multiple ways, including:
- Hacking and cyber-attacks on computer systems and information networks
- Spreading fear and psychological warfare
- Organizing and coordinating terrorist groups online
A significant consequence of cyberspace is that extremist groups have expanded beyond physical borders, forming virtual territories. Among the most prominent terrorist organizations to capitalize on cyber terrorism were Al-Qaeda and, later, ISIS.
One of Al-Qaeda’s leading theorists, Abdullah bin Muhammad, wrote about the impact of cyber jihad on radical propaganda, claiming that in 2010, online recruitment and digital warfare played a key role in Al-Qaeda’s evolution. He noted that internet-based psychological operations, including the distribution of violent imagery, led to mass troop withdrawals in Syria without direct conflict, allowing territorial expansion without a single bullet being fired.
ISIS adopted a similar approach through its propaganda arms, Dabiq and Amaq News Agency, utilizing online platforms to recruit members, spread propaganda, and coordinate attacks. Recent intelligence indicates that the terrorist group Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) employed similar digital tactics in 2024 during its offensive on Damascus.
Cyber terrorism is not limited to propaganda alone—it extends to establishing news networks and online channels, launching targeted campaigns, and developing extremist-themed video games.
In the Persian-language cyberspace, one of the most active terrorist cyber units has been the MEK (Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization), operating from Camp Ashraf 3. Additionally, intelligence agencies such as Mossad’s Unit 8200 and Saudi Arabia’s external intelligence division have gradually expanded their online activities. During the 2022 hybrid riots in Iran, these units were responsible for spreading over 200 fabricated news stories per minute, fueling chaos and misinformation.
To effectively combat cyber extremism and terrorism, Iran must adopt a dual approach:
- Regulating foreign digital platforms to prevent them from being exploited for extremist activities.
- Developing domestic digital platforms with built-in public security and defense mechanisms to counteract misinformation and extremist propaganda.
While content filtering and restrictions may offer temporary relief, a more sustainable strategy involves enhancing Iran’s digital sovereignty and proactively countering extremist narratives online.
6- Which social or economic groups do young people recruited into extremist groups in Iran usually come from? Have poverty, unemployment, or a sense of discrimination played a role in this tendency?
Simiyari: Young people who gravitate toward extremist groups in Iran often come from socially vulnerable backgrounds, aligning with the Relative Deprivation Theory, which suggests that individuals who perceive themselves as deprived compared to others are more likely to be drawn toward radical ideologies.
A study on the recruitment of Sunni youth by ISIS identified the following key factors influencing radicalization: religious motivations, satellite networks and media influence, direct contact with extremist recruiters, emotional triggers and psychological manipulation, cyber terrorism and online radicalization, economic hardship and poverty, and personal motivations.
Surprisingly, the study found that economic factors, poverty, and relative deprivation accounted for only 18% of radicalization cases. Instead, ideological, psychological, media-driven, and social network influences contributed to 82% of extremist recruitment.
These findings suggest that social and ideological factors outweigh economic ones in radicalization. Abdul Hassan Al-Muhajir, a former ISIS spokesperson, once stated that the organization owed its recruitment success to direct social engagement. He emphasized that the more individuals became socially entangled with the group's ideology, the more likely they were to join.
The research concluded that extremist and Takfiri movements spread like a virus, relying on two main strategies:
- The dissemination and internalization of their ideology—recruiters aim to embed radical beliefs through persistent exposure and dialogue.
- The strategic use of modern communication tools—extremist groups leverage digital media to portray themselves as saviors, manipulating narratives to appeal to disillusioned individuals.
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