Cairo’s bid to rally regional support for Gaza’s reconstruction – and scuttle Trump's Riviera delusion – hit roadblocks as Saudi and Emirati leaders hesitated, Algeria distanced itself, and Washington engaged Hamas directly.
The Cradle's Palestine Correspondent
Trump's request, blunt and destabilizing, targeted two Arab states that have long maintained peace agreements with the Israeli occupation state. Jordan, expected to bear the heaviest burden, has since leaned heavily on Egypt to extract itself from the US plan while also seeking backing from its longtime Persian Gulf allies.
In order to bury the Riviera project, Cairo has worked to create an alternative plan – a phased strategy that can appease and appeal to the largest number of stakeholders.
The first move came with a high-level mini-summit in Riyadh on 21 February, where Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi met with Jordan’s King Abdullah II, Qatar’s Emir Tamim bin Hamad, UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed (MbZ), Kuwait’s Emir Meshal Al-Ahmad, and Bahrain’s Crown Prince Salman bin Hamad. This gathering aimed to coordinate a response to the crisis Trump triggered, and assess the region’s collective willingness to resist US pressure.
Days later, on 26 February, Egypt dispatched an unofficial delegation of seasoned Mubarak-era elder statesmen to Washington, where they engaged with both current and former US officials, leveraging their deep understanding of American policymaking to shape – or at least modify – the Trump administration’s vision for Gaza. The meetings were designed to test the waters in Washington and explore possible adjustments to Egypt’s own strategy.
As tensions mounted, Cairo convened an emergency Arab summit on 4 March, attempting to rally regional support. But cracks – and egos – within the Arab camp were apparent from the onset. While Qatar’s Emir Tamim personally attended, both the UAE's MbZ and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MbS) declined, sending only their foreign ministers.
Their absence was a pointed signal: they would not publicly align with Egypt’s position without significant concessions.
Deep divisions emerge
The absence of MbZ and MbS from the Cairo summit underscored a growing rift that had begun during the earlier meeting in Riyadh. Their participation would have signaled outright support for Egypt’s handling of the crisis – something neither leader was willing to grant unconditionally.
Informed sources tell The Cradle that MbS has remained open to Egypt and Jordan absorbing some Gazan refugees, but only in proportion to their respective populations and economies. The main point of contention, however, was Gaza’s political future. The two leaders insisted on eliminating Hamas’s influence entirely, while Egypt remains committed to maintaining the movement's presence – albeit in a reduced, non-political capacity.
The UAE has itself floated a proposal for the international supervision of Gaza, coupled with an Arab-managed administration backed by $15 billion in economic aid over three years. Egypt quickly rejected that idea, fearing it would pave the way for the permanent displacement of Palestinians. Jordan is equally resistant, unwilling to absorb an estimated 300,000 additional refugees by 2026. As an Egyptian source explains to The Cradle:
“Because Cairo is betting on Saudi and Emirati funding for its plan, Riyadh and Abu Dhabi have asked for a more visible role in Gaza, one that would surpass Qatar's influence. They also want this presence to reflect their regional power , ensure that the Gaza file is not handled solely by Egypt at the Arab level, and guarantee that their financial contributions do not end up helping Hamas.”
Behind the scenes, US officials have also been working to shape events. Between 23 and 25 February, reports surfaced of American envoys making pre-summit visits to the region, offering Saudi Arabia investment incentives – particularly in its NEOM megacity project – in exchange for applying pressure on Cairo and Amman to accept Trump’s plan. Washington even relayed the outcomes of the Riyadh meeting directly to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who remains hopeful for normalization with the kingdom.
The West Bank-based Palestinian Authority (PA) was entirely absent from the Riyadh summit, and no final communiqué was issued. Qatar attempted to advocate for Hamas’s inclusion in any future political framework, but its efforts were swiftly blocked by Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Jordan. Meanwhile, Oman declined to attend altogether, staying true to its traditional stance of neutrality.
Cairo Summit: A reluctant gathering
Arab summits rarely pass without drama, but this one took on a particularly charged atmosphere. Although the participants gathered to address a horrific crisis of 1948 Nakba proportions, there were no clear solutions in sight. Discussions pussy-footed around the looming threat of forced, mass population displacement from Gaza, unfolding against the backdrop of a US administration pushing an aggressive regional agenda.
The absence of MbZ and MbS was not the only notable diplomatic snub. Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune's decision to send his foreign minister rather than attend personally reflected Algeria’s frustration over being excluded from preparatory talks.
Egyptian sources tell The Cradle that “Tebboune is upset by Algeria's omission from the preparatory meetings, and not sending an invitation to attend the consultative meeting in Riyadh, in addition to not sending Cairo a high-level official to Algeria to invite him like other countries” – with Algerian not-so-subtly hinting at “the monopoly of some countries in the Arab decision.”
Beneath these diplomatic tensions lay a deeper history of friction between Cairo and Algiers over Palestinian affairs. Algeria has increasingly positioned itself as a mediator between Fatah and Hamas, hosting reconciliation talks that traditionally fell under Egypt’s purview.
While the relationship remained strained, there were ongoing efforts to arrange a meeting between Sisi and Tebboune at an upcoming international event to smooth over tensions, particularly given Egypt’s need for Algerian support on various regional and African issues.
The PA's parallel agenda
While Egypt was heavily advocating its own vision for Gaza’s future, PA President Mahmoud Abbas was quietly pushing a rival proposal in Cairo, one centered on restoring full PA control over the Gaza Strip. His plan involves PA administration of Gaza’s border crossings – including Rafah and Kerem Shalom – under a framework resembling its current “authority” in the occupied West Bank.
Abbas lobbied Saudi Arabia for support at the Cairo summit, but Egypt and the UAE both dismissed his vision as outdated and unworkable. Abu Dhabi was particularly skeptical, fearing that the highly unpopular PA would mismanage reconstruction funds, and lacks the capacity to govern Gaza after a 17-year absence.
However, Abbas surprised many by announcing a mass pardon of former Fatah members, a move widely interpreted as an attempt to clear the path for Mohammed Dahlan’s political return. Given Dahlan’s close ties to the UAE, some saw this as an overture to Abu Dhabi – but skepticism remained high.
Despite the final communiqué’s endorsement of Egypt’s reconstruction proposal – crafted with input from the occupied World Bank and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) – the plan faces major roadblocks. Both Washington and Tel Aviv have dismissed any framework that involved Hamas or UNRWA.
“The current proposal does not address the reality that Gaza is currently uninhabitable and residents cannot humanely live in a territory covered in debris and unexploded ordnance,” US National Security Council spokesman Brian Hughes said in a statement. “President Trump stands by his vision to rebuild Gaza free from Hamas. We look forward to further talks to bring peace and prosperity to the region.”
Meanwhile, securing financial backing remains a challenge, as Riyadh and Abu Dhabi are as yet hesitant to commit.
High-stakes Washington visit
To break the impasse, Egypt went all out by sending its delegation of former president Hosni Mubarak-era political heavyweights to Washington in late February. The team, which included former foreign minister Amr Moussa and veteran political figures like Mounir Fakhry Abdel Nour, Mohamed Kamal, and Hossam Badrawi, engaged with key figures in the Trump administration, Congress, and influential US think tanks.
Meetings with Jared Kushner, Mike Pompeo, and Senator Lindsey Graham underscored the extent to which Egypt was lobbying for American support. While some officials expressed interest in the plan, there were no clear commitments. US concerns centered on Hamas, financial oversight, and securing Saudi and Israeli buy-in. Sources tell The Cradle:
“The divergence between the Egyptian and American positions puts Cairo in an awkward position, as the latter used to bet on supporting Washington or at least securing international cover that allows mobilizing funding from other sources, but now it finds itself forced to look for alternatives that include the involvement of the European Union and China.”
Keeping the reconstruction plan alive
An alternative option is to present proposals that are partially compatible with the American vision without compromising the Egyptian role in the Palestinian file and to live out the remaining years of Trump's presidential term, ensuring minimal damage to Gaza.
To reassure Saudi Arabia and the UAE, Egypt has proposed that the World Bank supervise the reconstruction fund to guarantee transparency of financing and attract international contributions, despite Egypt's conviction that rebuilding the sector in three years cannot be achieved without a generous donation from Saudi Arabia and the UAE in addition to Qatar.
But even as Cairo scrambled to shape a regional consensus, Washington had already pivoted elsewhere. In a move that blindsided Israel, Trump’s team held direct meetings with Hamas in Doha. The discussions ranged from prisoner exchanges to ceasefire arrangements and even broader political frameworks – an extraordinary development that underscored the fluidity of the region’s power dynamics.
Egypt remains committed to its plan, but obstacles remain formidable. US rejection, Arab reluctance, and Israeli opposition leave the path forward uncertain.
As Trump’s second term continues, Cairo may have to look beyond traditional allies, seeking financial support from Europe and China while delicately managing regional tensions. The reconstruction conference remains a potential lifeline, but whether it succeeds in mobilizing international backing remains an open question.
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