Monday, September 16, 2024

Spain hosts high-level summit of EU, Muslim states to advance ‘two-state solution’

Several European countries, including Spain, officially recognized Palestinian statehood in late May  

News Desk - The Cradle 

Spain hosted on 13 September a high-level gathering of Muslim and European states aimed at discussing ways to end Israel’s war on the Gaza Strip and formulate a timeline for the implementation of a two-state solution. 

“We meet to make another push for the end of the war in Gaza, for a way out of the unending spiral of violence between the Palestinians, the Israelis ... That way is clear. The implementation of the two-state solution is the only way,” said Spanish Foreign Minister Jose Manuel Albares told reporters during the summit. 

Albares added that there was a “clear willingness” among those attending “to move on from words to actions and to make strides towards a clear schedule for the effective implementation” of a two-state solution, starting with full UN membership for Palestine. 

He said that Israel was not invited because it was “not part of the Contact Group,” adding, “We will be delighted to see Israel at any table where peace and the two-state solution are discussed.”

The meeting in Spain was attended by the foreign ministers of Spain and Slovenia, EU Foreign Policy chief Josep Borrell, Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Mustafa, and members of the Arab-Islamic Contact Group for Gaza, which includes Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Jordan, Indonesia, Nigeria, and Turkiye.

Representatives from Ireland were also present at the meeting, as well as Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan and Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan.

“The ministerial gathering will advance the discussion on the need to reinforce the engagement of the international community on peace and security in the Middle East, and the challenge to create an international consensus on a way forward based on the two-state solution,” Borrell’s office said in a statement

Spain was among several countries, including Ireland, Norway, and Slovenia, that recognized Palestine as a state in late May. 

The meeting in Spain came days after Palestine was seated for the first time among UN member states during the first session of the 79th General Assembly in New York. In May, the UN General Assembly voted overwhelmingly in favor of reconsidering Palestine’s full membership. The resolution also granted Palestine additional participation rights.

Washington and Tel Aviv have consistently blocked any realization of Palestinian statehood. 

The US stance has long been that statehood for Palestine can only be achieved through a direct agreement between Israel and the Palestinians, maintaining that it would support the establishment of a Palestinian state as part of a negotiated peace settlement. 

However, the Israeli Knesset passed a vote on 18 July, completely rejecting the establishment of a Palestinian state, including statehood as part of a future peace agreement.

Months earlier, in April, the US vetoed a Security Council resolution on the recognition of Palestine as a full member state in the UN.

Israel’s occupation of the West Bank is considered illegal under international law. Since the territory was captured by Israel in 1967, illegal settlements have continued to expand. 

As EU, Arab, and Muslim leaders meet in Spain, a ceasefire and exchange deal in Gaza remains out of reach as Israel insists on keeping its troops at the Philadelphi corridor on the strip’s border with Egypt.

Israel exploits African asylum seekers for military manpower in Gaza: Report

According to Haaretz, the manner in which the Israeli army deploys the asylum seekers is 'barred from publication'  

News Desk - The Cradle

African asylum seekers and human rights activists protest against deportation in front of the Rwandan Embassy in Herzliya, on January 22, 2018. (Photo credit: Tomer Neuberg/Flash90)
The Israeli military is recruiting African asylum seekers who join the army to fight in Gaza by promising them assistance in obtaining permanent residency status in Israel, Haaretz reported on 15 September.

Defense officials speaking off the record to the liberal Israeli newspaper said the "project is conducted in an organized manner, with the guidance of defense establishment legal advisers."

After the start of Israel's war on Gaza on 7 October, "Defense officials realized they could use the help of the asylum seekers and exploit their desire to obtain permanent status in Israel as an incentive."

However, Israeli officials have not granted permanent status to any asylum seekers who have volunteered for combat in Gaza so far, and refuse to say exactly how the new recruits are used.

"No asylum seekers who contributed to the war effort have been granted official status," Haaretz wrote, despite risking their lives, while the manner in which the Israeli army deploys the asylum seekers is "barred from publication."

Haaretz reported the case of an African man who asked to be identified only by an initial, A. He arrived in Israel at age 16. He must renew his temporary residency status periodically with the Interior Ministry's Population and Immigration Authority to avoid deportation.

After the war began, A. received a phone call from someone who claimed to be a police officer.

"They told me they were looking for special people to join the army. They told me this was a life-or-death war for Israel," he told Haaretz.

He told him there was a two-week training period if he was drafted and that he would receive pay similar to what he earned at his current job.

"I asked, what do I get? Even though I'm not really looking for anything. But then he told me – If you go this way, you can receive documents from the State of Israel. He asked me to send him a photocopy of my ID and said he would take care of these things."

Shortly before his training was set to begin, A. changed his mind.

"I wanted to go, and I was very serious about it, but then I thought – just two weeks of training and then to be part of the war effort? I've never touched a gun in my life."

According to the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS), roughly 45,000 African asylum seekers are now living in Israel, most of them young men who are paid low wages in jobs that Israelis do not want.

Most are from the war-torn countries of Eritrea and Sudan. They crossed the Sinai desert and entered Israel in waves between the years 2005-2012.

In 2012, Israel built a border fence along the border with Egypt that ended the influx. Only around 100 have entered Israel since.

In early 2018, Israel adopted a plan to expel tens of thousands of African asylum seekers.

Prime Minister Netanyahu noted that after building the fence on the Egyptian border and deporting some 20,000 African migrants through various deals, Israel had reached the third stage of its efforts - "accelerated removal."

"This removal is taking place thanks to an international agreement I reached that enables us to remove the 40,000 infiltrators remaining, remove them without their consent," he told ministers.

The Israeli government also refers to Palestinians seeking to return to their homes in what is now Israel after the Nakba in 1948 as "infiltrators."

That year, Zionist militias used massacres and rape to ethnically cleanse roughly 750,000 Palestinians from their homes, making them refugees in Gaza, the West Bank, Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria to make space for Jewish refugees and immigrants from all over the world.

Annexation, mass expulsion, Jewish settlements make up 'second stage' of Gaza war: Report

Israeli media says Palestinians expelled from northern Gaza in the second phase will 'huddle together' with refugees from the first phase in the 'humanitarian enclave' in the south  

News Desk  - The Cradle 

Palestinians shelter at a temporary tent camp set up for those who were displaced from their homes by Israel's evacuation orders and airstrikes, Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, October 19, 2023. (Photo credit: Abed Rahim Khatib/Flash90)
Israel is entering the second phase of its war on Gaza, which involves expelling Palestinians, establishing Jewish settlements, and the annexation in the north of the strip while keeping Palestinians living in tents under military occupation in the south “for years,” according to an analysis by Haaretz editor-in-chief Aluf Benn published on 9 September.

Benn writes that the Israeli military will “strive to complete its takeover of the northern Gaza Strip from the previous border to the Netzarim corridor. We can predict that this area will then gradually be made available for Jewish settlement and annexation to Israel.”

“If that happens, Palestinian residents who remain in northern Gaza will be expelled, as suggested by Maj. Gen. (res.) Giora Eiland, under threat of starvation and under cover of 'protecting their lives' while the Israeli military hunts down Hamas militants in that sector,” he adds.

The Haaretz editor-in-chief says that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu dreams of being the first Israeli leader in 50 years to expand Israeli territory through conquest rather than relinquish it.

If Netanyahu can conquer and resettle Gaza, his supporters will view this as a “lifetime achievement.”

Benn notes that members of Netanyahu's government see Azerbaijan's swift ethnic cleansing of some 100,000 ethnic Armenians from the autonomous Nagorno-Karabakh region in 2022 as a precedent to follow.

“The world saw this and moved on: 100,000 refugees are still stranded in Armenia, which is in no rush to integrate them. Similarly, the expelled residents of northern Gaza will huddle together with refugees from the first phase of the war in the 'humanitarian enclave' in the south.”

Benn writes that the new phase of the war began quietly on 28 August with the appointment of Elad Goren as the first “head of the humanitarian-civil effort in the Gaza Strip” in the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT) unit.

Goren will function as the “governor of Gaza” and control aid distribution to Palestinians in the strip, and replace international organizations, including UNRWA.

For Benn, “The motive is obvious: whoever distributes the food and medicine has their hand on the power switch.”

Hamas will continue to control southern Gaza but will be besieged by Israeli troops who will remain on the Philadelphi corridor (Gaza–Egypt border) and Netzarim corridor (which bisects northern Gaza from the south).

“In such a situation, Netanyahu and his partners hope that after another winter in tents and without basic facilities, the two million Palestinians crowded in Rafah, Khan Yunis, and Al-Mawasi will realize that they cannot go back to their ruined homes. Accordingly, despair is supposed to incite them against Yahya Sinwar's oppressive rule – and to encourage many of them to leave Gaza altogether.”

Benn anticipates that Netanyahu will continue to oppose a ceasefire deal that would return the roughly 100 Israelis still held captive by Hamas.

“Rather than them being an asset and leverage for significant concessions from Israel, the hostages will become a burden on the Palestinians, as well as Israel's justification for continued warfare, siege, and occupation. This is how Israel enters the second phase of its war against Hamas,” he concludes.

Sunday, September 15, 2024

Tehran, Moscow discuss maritime cooperation in Caspian Sea during China visit

TEHRAN – While visiting China, senior military officials from Iran and Russia seized the opportunity to discuss security and areas of bilateral cooperation in the Caspian Sea.

Rear Admiral Habibollah Sayyari, deputy chief of the Iranian Army for Coordination, and Alexander Fomin, Deputy Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation, were in Beijing on Sunday to attend the Xiangshan Security Forum, China's premier military diplomacy event, which commenced on Thursday and attracted over 500 representatives from more than 90 countries to the capital.

During a bilateral meeting on the sidelines of the forum, the two high-ranking officials highlighted the growing military and strategic cooperation between Tehran and Moscow, while exploring ways to further enhance the two countries’ partnership. 

A key focus of the meeting was the Caspian Sea, which Rear Admiral Sayyari described as a "sea of peace and friendship." He emphasized the importance of collective security efforts among the countries bordering the Caspian, advocating for regional stability without foreign intervention. 

The talks also covered enhancing cooperation in maritime activities, including proposals for joint maritime patrols and specialized combined exercises. This initiative aims to bolster defense capabilities and foster closer military ties between Iran and Russia, as stated by Russian media. 

In addition to security matters, both officials recognized the importance of educational exchanges. They discussed plans for increasing interactions in academia, including the exchange of professors and students, which could pave the way for deeper cultural and intellectual collaboration.

Furthermore, the two sides highlighted the need to strengthen pathways for expanding cooperation in utilizing the North-South Corridor, which is a vital route for enhancing trade and connectivity between Iran, Russia, and other countries in the region.

=====Commander expresses Iran’s readiness to support humanitarian initiatives

During his stay in China, Rear Admiral Habibullah Sayyari also engaged in productive discussions with Gilles Carbonnier, the Vice-President of the International Committee of the Red Cross. They focused on the significant contributions of the Iranian armed forces to international humanitarian efforts.

Rear Admiral Sayyari emphasized Iran's readiness to share its expertise in managing natural disasters and providing essential equipment and resources to support humanitarian initiatives. The ongoing conflict in Gaza was also a critical topic of discussion, highlighting the urgent need for collaborative responses to global crises.

In addition to his meeting with Carbonnier, Rear Admiral Sayyari visited the National University of Defense Technology and a Chinese military-affiliated think tank. At the university, he participated in discussions on various security issues, addressing both internal and external dimensions, as well as the current geopolitical landscape in the West Asian region.

Israel using PR to cover up battlefield setbacks

 By Shahrokh Saei

TEHRAN- Israel is attempting to project an image of success in the wake of its genocidal war against Gaza despite suffering setbacks on the battlefield.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ordered his army to wage war on Gaza in early October 2023, which has so far claimed the lives of more than 41,000 Palestinians. Though nearly a year has passed since the start of the conflict, Netanyahu has not succeeded in realizing his objectives which mainly include “total victory” over Hamas and the elimination of the resistance movement.

Nonetheless, he aims to convey the perception that progress has been achieved in the war.

The Israeli army claimed on Thursday that it destroyed the Rafah Brigade of the al-Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas. It also claimed that more than 2,300 resistance fighters were killed and over 13 kilometers of tunnels built by Hamas were destroyed.

Nonetheless, a senior Knesset member dismissed the army’s assertions.

Amit Halevi, a member of the Knesset's Foreign Affairs and Security Committee, said on Saturday that the Israeli army has not managed to defeat even a single battalion of the resistance movement in Rafah.

He also rejected the army’s claim of killing a large number of Hamas fighters as an exaggeration.

Halevi further said Israel has only destroyed a small fraction of the underground tunnels in Rafah.

He admitted that the Netanyahu regime has not only failed to accomplish any strategic successes but is also far from defeating or destroying Hamas.

This is not the inaugural instance of a high-ranking Israeli official highlighting the army's failures on the battlefield.

Last month, war minister Yoav Gallant said during a closed-door hearing before a Knesset committee that Netanyahu’s “total victory” slogan is “nonsense” and “gibberish”.  

It was also in August that around 100 Israeli officers warned that the regime’s army is “still far from victory”. 

“In the past few days, we have been astonished by repeated statements from senior army officials that victory is within reach and it is possible to move to the stage of pinpoint raids,” the officers said in a letter to military Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi.

They added, “We, who came from the field, know very well that the situation is still far from victory.”

The officers acknowledged that the Palestinian resistance factions still have cross-border capabilities such as UAVs, explosive drones and mortars as they took a jab at Netanyahu’s warmongering. “This is not what victory looks like!” the letter read. 

In June, the Israeli military spokesman also expressed skepticism regarding the feasibility of achieving the war objective of defeating Hamas.

“The idea that it is possible to destroy Hamas, to make Hamas vanish — that is throwing sand in the eyes of the public,” Rear Adm. Daniel Hagari told Israel’s Channel 13. He added, “Hamas is an idea, deeply rooted in the hearts of the residents of Gaza. To replace those who handle civil services and distribute or steal food, something else needs to be established. This is a decision for the political echelon, and the army will implement it.”

Israel’s war of genocide on Gaza followed the Al-Aqsa Storm Operation, a surprise attack carried out by Hamas in southern Israel on October 7.

Hamas said the operation was a normal response to all Israeli conspiracies against the Palestinian people. 

The Al-Aqsa Storm Operation shattered the image of Israel’s invincibility.

For now, Halevi's remarks, echoing the views of other Israeli officials, indicate that Palestinian resistance groups are unbeatable and possess the ability to bring the occupying regime to its knees.

Why Iraq matters to Iran

 By Xavier Villar

Pezeshkian travels to Iraq in first foreign visit, signifying the importance of Iran-Iraq ties

MADRID – Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian made his first official visit to Iraq since taking office. On the first day of his trip, Pezeshkian held individual meetings with Iraq's President, Prime Minister, Chief Justice, leaders of the Coordination Framework of Iraq’s Shiite forces, and the First Deputy Speaker of Iraq’s Parliament. Additionally, he met with Iranian expatriates in Baghdad and participated in discussions with business leaders active in Iraq.

On the second day, the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran traveled to Erbil and Sulaymaniyah for talks with officials from the Kurdistan Regional Government. He also visited the holy cities of Najaf and Karbala, where he paid respects at the sacred Shiite shrines.

This visit underscores Iraq's geopolitical and geoeconomic importance to the Islamic Republic. This article aims to shed light on the recent relations between the two countries and analyze Iraq's significance to Iran’s security and regional stability. In this regard, it is crucial to recognize that the convergence between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Iraq and their bilateral relations can impact regional security, potentially enhancing security levels and mitigating regional challenges.

Iran’s foreign policy strategy toward Iraq after the fall of Saddam Hussein has been shaped by various factors, including geography, economics, and its role within the Axis of Resistance. This strategy, developed in the context of the U.S. occupation of Iraq, the dissolution of the Iraqi government and military, and the shifting perspectives of regional actors, has progressively expanded Iran’s regional and global influence in post-Saddam Iraq.

Following Saddam’s fall, Iran's foreign policy contributed to the formation of security in Iraq, a nation engulfed in crises after the Ba'ath regime’s collapse and the military’s dissolution. Iran played a pivotal role in establishing Iraq's new security framework, including both physical and cyber security. However, the involvement of other regional powers, such as Saudi Arabia, has introduced new security challenges for Iraq.

Iran’s foreign policy in the post-Saddam era has undergone significant transformations, distinguishing itself from earlier approaches. Over the years, Iranian leadership has focused on implementing measures to balance the country’s foreign policy, resulting in active diplomacy in Iraq, which was previously unattainable. Between 2003 and 2014, no agreement was reached to balance regional powers in Iraq, contributing to the country's ongoing instability.

Iraq's parliamentary system, its Shiite majority, and Iran’s strong ties with Iraq’s Shiite population, alongside the withdrawal of U.S. troops and the Syrian crisis, have allowed Iran to maintain significant influence and strategic relations during the last three Iraqi elections. In contrast, Turkey and Saudi Arabia have not achieved similar success in Iraq's parliamentary elections.

The U.S. invasion in 2003 and Saddam’s fall marked a critical juncture in Iraq’s history, releasing pent-up energy within the country. The emergence of new ideas, groups, and figures, along with the influence of regional and non-regional actors, rapidly reshaped Iraq's internal dynamics. Although the withdrawal of U.S. forces eased tensions somewhat, the rise of ISIS further exacerbated the wounds inflicted by decades of dictatorship and occupation, compounding Iraq's devastation and challenges.

In recent years, particularly after the defeat of ISIS, Iraq’s foreign policy behavior has shown notable developments. Changes in Iraq’s power and governance structure have facilitated the influence of regional actors like Iran. The key question remains: What policy has the Islamic Republic of Iran adopted toward Iraq post-Saddam, and what are its objectives?

Before addressing these issues, it is essential to first define the Islamic Republic as a regional power. In general terms, a regional power can be characterized by meeting, to a greater or lesser extent, the following criteria:

1-  Power Resources: Possessing essential resources of power, particularly an effective military force.
2-  Regional Pole: Being one of the centers of power within the region.
3- Cultural and Normative Influence: Having the ability to shape and establish norms and cultural trends in the region.
4- Impact on Regional Trends: Influencing the development of events and crises within the region.
5-  Crisis Management Capability: Being able to form and manage regional crises.
6- Special Status in Foreign Policy: Holding a special status in foreign policy at both regional and transnational levels.
7- Participation in Regional Order: Contributing to the creation and maintenance of regional order.
8- Influence in Regional Interactions: Impacting regional interactions and relations.
9-  Defensive Capability: Maintaining the ability to defend against other countries in the region.

A regional power must not only show interest in the affairs of its region but also intervene effectively in the resolution of regional crises when necessary. This intervention should be accompanied by an influential capacity. Major regional problems cannot be solved without the involvement of a regional power, which must demonstrate its commitment to leadership and act as a stabilizing force in the region. According to this view, the Islamic Republic of Iran can be defined as a regional power.

From a geopolitical perspective, two primary objectives of Iran can be outlined:

1. Eliminating Threats and Creating New International Dynamics: 

A key objective of Iranian foreign policy is to reduce threats surrounding the Islamic Republic and to establish new international trends that enhance its stability and security.

2. Creating Mutual Opportunities and Expanding Strategic Depth:

Iran aims to create new opportunities for cooperation while expanding its influence and strategic depth in the region and beyond, thereby strengthening its position on the international stage.

In addition to these immediate priorities—eliminating threats and creating opportunities—Iran must implement long-term mechanisms. These mechanisms include cultural strategies, economic and commercial tools (such as joint investments), and the strengthening of public diplomacy in the region. The goal is to achieve a position where Iran can define its foreign policy influence, with a focus on increasing the strategic depth of the Islamic Republic in the region.

Iran's political priorities concerning Iraq after Saddam Hussein's fall can be defined as follows:

1. Friendly Relations and Peaceful Coexistence:  
Relations between Iran and Iraq faced challenges even before the Islamic Revolution. Saddam Hussein's invasion of Iran and the subsequent eight-year war emphasize the need for establishing friendly relations as a key priority for Iran.
2. Security and Stability in Iraq:
Sharing a 1,500-kilometer border, Iran views Iraq's security and stability as integral to its own. Instability in Iraq directly affects Iran’s internal security, making the maintenance of Iraq’s stability a second priority for Iran.
3. Preservation of Iraq’s Territorial Integrity and Prevention of Fragmentation:
 Iran is sensitive to any possibility of Iraq's fragmentation. Despite proposals to divide Iraq into three countries (Shiite, Sunni, and Kurdish), Iran remains committed to safeguarding Iraq's territorial integrity.
4. Eradication of Terrorism:
 The presence of takfiri terrorist groups in Iraq poses a major threat to Iran's national security. Iran has invested significant resources in combating terrorism in Iraq, considering it a fundamental priority.
5. Ratification of the 1975 Border Treaty: 
 Border disputes between Iran and Iraq were partly resolved with the signing of the 1975 Algiers Agreement. Consolidating and continually enforcing this agreement is essential for maintaining stability and friendly relations between the two countries.
6. Opposition to U.S. Military Presence in Iraq:
Iran opposes the U.S. military presence and dominance in the region, particularly in Iraq. Since the U.S. invasion and the ongoing military presence post-ISIS, Iran has consistently expressed disagreement with this policy.
7. Strengthening Cultural and Islamic Ties:
Iran and Iraq have shared centuries of close cultural and Islamic ties. Tens of thousands of citizens from both countries have family connections, and six Shiite shrines are located in Iraq. Najaf, historically a center of Shiite religious authority, is of particular importance. Deepening these ties is a critical priority for Iran.
8. Long-Term Collective Cooperation in the Persian Gulf:
Stable and collective cooperation in the Persian Gulf is vital. Iraq must maintain friendly relations not only with Iran but also with Saudi Arabia and other Arab countries. The security and stability of the Persian Gulf largely depend on harmonious relations between Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Iraq. Without strong cooperation among these regional powers, sustainable security will remain elusive.

Iran’s balanced foreign policy in Iraq following the defeat of Daesh has had several significant impacts:

Increased Regional Stability:

Iran’s intervention has contributed to greater stability in Iraq. By supporting the Iraqi government in its fight against Daesh and aiding in post-conflict reconstruction, Iran has helped prevent the resurgence of extremist groups and strengthened Iraq’s central government.

Strengthened Bilateral Relations:

Iran’s balanced foreign policy has strengthened ties between the two countries. Cooperation on security issues and infrastructure reconstruction has forged a strong strategic relationship based on common interests and shared threats.

Expanded Regional Influence: 

Iran has used its role in stabilizing Iraq to expand its influence in the region. By closely collaborating with Iraq on reconstruction and security, Iran has solidified its position as a key player in regional politics, advancing its geopolitical interests.

Challenges and Tensions:

Despite these benefits, Iran’s presence in Iraq and its support for certain groups have sparked tensions with other regional actors, including some Arab states and the U.S. Carefully managing these relationships has been essential for maintaining balance.

Progress in Reconstruction and Development:

Cooperation in Iraq's reconstruction has led to significant advances in the country's economic and social development. Joint projects and investments have revitalized infrastructure and improved living conditions in areas affected by conflict.

In summary, Iran’s balanced foreign policy in post-Daesh Iraq has had a substantial impact on both stability and bilateral relations, though it has also presented challenges requiring careful management to maintain positive regional balance.

The U.S. invasion of Iraq and the fall of Saddam Hussein marked the beginning of a series of transformations that not only redefined Iraq’s power and politics but also reshaped the landscape of power, politics, security, and foreign relations across the Middle East. Given that Iraq’s future governance and bilateral relations directly affect Iran’s foreign policy, this policy formulation can be seen as Iran’s strategic entry into the regional and global arena.

Indeed, the Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy toward Iraq has bolstered its role as a key regional power. The optimal foreign policy strategy for Iran in the new Iraq, considering Iran's elevated regional position and the recent changes in both regional and global contexts, is crucial. The fall of the Ba'ath regime and subsequent transformations marked a turning point in relations between the two countries.

President Pezeshkian's visit to Iraq underscores the Arab country’s importance and the necessity of maintaining a good-neighbor policy that not only strengthens Iran’s regional role but also provides the necessary stability to the region.

Dialogue impossible with West leveling baseless claims against Iran: parliament speaker

TEHRAN – Iranian parliament speaker Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf has stated that meaningful negotiations between Iran and Western governments will remain unattainable as long as Western countries continue to make unfounded accusations against Tehran.

Speaking during a parliamentary session on Sunday, Qalibaf firmly rejected the allegations levied by Western nations, labeling them as baseless.

Qalibaf pointed out that these repeated claims against Iran echo the Israeli regime's long-standing rhetoric, which he characterized as deceitful and notorious for its dishonesty. 

He argued that such false accusations are inconsistent with the West’s professed desire for diplomacy and dialogue. "As long as the Western countries persist in these anti-Iran claims, no constructive or effective negotiations can take place," Qalibaf asserted.

He went on to address the ongoing conflict in Gaza, condemning Israel’s decades-long pattern of genocidal actions against Palestinians.

Citing the numerous atrocities committed over the past 80 years, Qalibaf called for greater unity among Muslim nations to support the Palestinian cause. He emphasized the need for a united stance against Israel's aggressive actions, particularly in light of the recent escalation in violence.

Describing Gaza as the "capital of the hearts of Muslims," Qalibaf proposed that this year’s Islamic Unity Week, which coincides with the birth anniversary of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH), be dedicated to demonstrating solidarity among Muslims for the liberation of al-Quds. 

He urged the Muslim world to use this occasion to rally behind the Palestinian people and their struggle for freedom.

The Iranian speaker also cited alarming figures from Israel’s ongoing military campaign in Gaza, which began in October 2023. 

According to Qalibaf, the conflict has claimed the lives of at least 41,182 Palestinians and left over 95,000 wounded. He reiterated Iran’s commitment to standing with the Palestinian people in their fight against Israeli occupation, urging the global Muslim community to do the same.

Disillusioned Israelis demand ceasefire with Hamas

 By Shahrokh Saei

TEHRAN- Israelis have become increasingly frustrated over their army’s failure to deliver on its promised goals in the nearly one-year war against the Gaza Strip.

Demonstrations demanding a captive deal have regularly taken place across Israel since early October. 

The latest protests were held at the weekend attended by tens of thousands of people. 

On Saturday, protesters gathered in Tel Aviv to express their frustration towards Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu regarding his ineffective military approach in Gaza.

Similar rallies were held in Jerusalem (al-Quds) and other cities.  

Protesters demanded that Netanyahu reach a deal with Hamas to ensure the return of captives held in Gaza. 

Approximately 100 captives are being held in Gaza which includes the bodies of nearly three dozen who have been confirmed dead. 

They are among some 250 people who were taken captive during the Al-Aqsa Storm Operation, a surprise military operation carried out by Hamas in southern Israel on October 7.

More than 100 captives were released in a swap deal with Hamas in November last year. A number of other captives have been freed by the Israeli army during raids in Gaza and the rest have perished as a result of the regime’s strikes.

Netanyahu stands accused of undermining initiatives intended to secure a ceasefire with Hamas which can facilitate the release of the remaining captives.

Families of the captives were among those who participated in the Saturday rallies. 

They lashed out at Netanyahu for not reaching a deal with Hamas, arguing that this inaction will help him remain in power as long as the war continues. 

“This deal-sabotaging government is forsaking the captives and abandoning them to die,” the brother of Yotam Cohen, an Israeli soldier held captive in Gaza, told the Associated Press.  

Cohen added, “As long as Netanyahu is in power, this war will go on indefinitely and there will be no hostage deal. To save the hostages lives, Netanyahu must be replaced.”

Skirmishes broke out between police and protesters who were chanting against Netanyahu. Reports suggest police have made some arrests. 

Street protests in Israel surged following the recovery of the bodies of six captives from a tunnel in southern Gaza. The Palestinian Hamas resistance movement announced that they were killed by Israeli strikes. 

A week ago, an estimated 750,000 people took to the streets in Israel. Organizers said 500,000 Israelis rallied in Tel Aviv, marking the largest-ever demonstration in the regime’s history. Some 250,000 others attended rallies in cities including Jerusalem (al-Quds) and Haifa.

Protesters have called for Netanyahu’s resignation and early elections. 

But Netanyahu has maintained that he will press ahead with the war until achieving “total victory” over Hamas and “destroying” the resistance group. 

Israelis participating in the weekly protests have become aware of Netanyahu's tactics, recognizing that he is willing to sacrifice captives for his political interests. 

The Israeli army has slaughtered more than 41,000 Palestinians in Gaza since launching war on the territory following the Al-Aqsa Storm Operation. 

But the lives of the Palestinians neither matter to Israeli protesters nor the regime’s officials and their Western allies.

Israeli demonstrators just want to ensure the remaining captives will be released. Netanyahu’s domestic political opponents as well as the US and some European countries are only concerned that the growing domestic protests and international outrage over Israel’s genocidal war will threaten the regime’s existence. 

Should the need arise, Israel’s main allies, particularly the United States, will make Netanyahu a scapegoat to ensure the regime’s survival.